United Republicans of Iran (URI)

Iran’s Change of Power Structure Destabilizes the System

2010-01-10T08:08:00.000-08:00

January 5th, 2010 Filed Under : Domestic Relations, News Features

Kazem Alamdari

LOS ANGELES—In the past thirty years, the power structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran has moved from populism to clientelism, and now to militarism. The triangle of power that includes Supreme Leader Khamenei, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is much more fragile as opposed to the previous power structures. Why?

During the first decade’s populism, power rested in the hands of the unrivaled and charismatic leader Ayatollah Khomeini. Very few people, if any, could act against his will and his policies. After Khomeini’s death, the structure of power changed to clientelism, a system of many vertical columns of rival and autonomous groups and institutions, such as government officeholders, congregational imams, revolutionary courts, the Guardian Council, and many hidden interest groups formed in patron-client bonds, all around the leadership of Khamenei, Khomeini’s successor.

This clientelist power structure, which enabled political elites to have access to social status, political power, and economic resources, was the key to the regime’s sustainability, but it deprived the majority of people of their rights. With the onset of the recent crisis, the triangle of power—Khamenei, Ahmadinejad, and the IRGC—has pushed aside this power structure. In the new structure, the Supreme Leader has lost the role of mediator and has openly sided with military oppressors.

The modern, educated, young, and urban middle class, who had hoped for reforms during the 1997 election that brought former President Mohammad Khatami to power, were pushed aside with a pre-planned election on June 12 designed by the Guardian Council and the IRGC to reelect Ahmadinejad. Supporters of the valayt faqih learned that the “masses” (less educated, low income, traditional groups) were the only ones who accepted their divine rule. Therefore, in supporting Ahmadinejad’s campaign, they used slogans such as the fight against poverty, injustice, and corruption, and promises such as distributing the oil money among the masses, to bring the populist government of Ahmadinejad to power.

This move confused even some of the leftist and anti-American groups. In practice, the government of Ahmadinejad spread superstitious beliefs and distributed money among the lower classes of society in order to mobilize them against the middle class. Despite promises made during the presidential campaign, and Ahmadinejad’s populist appearance, his administration has abandoned economic equality and has turned out to be one of the most corrupt in the Islamic Republic’s history.

Oppression, intimidation, and political pacification of the middle class and the reformists on the one hand, coupled with financial support to energize the lower classes and supporters of divine rule of velayat faqih, in addition to the creation of continuous tensions with the West, have been the foundations of the Ahmadinejad doctrine. Through distribution of money and planning “provincial visits,” the triangle of power believed that Ahmadinejad was building a solid popular base and that he would win reelection with ease. Therefore, they decided to make the race more interesting in order to bring more voters out to the polls, thus showing off their legitimacy and popularity.

Much to the surprise of Ahmadinejad’s supporters, the distribution of money and populist slogans only created new dissatisfactions. Distribution of money led to inflation and increasing unemployment, which badly damaged domestic production. The nation’s economic difficulties, Ahmadinejad’s empty promises, his unbalanced personality, and his continuous efforts to fool the masses rallied the people against him and ruined his chances for reelection.

As the election date approached, the Khamenei wing realized that opening the political atmosphere for a mass turnout created a social movement, so they decided to rig the election. Electoral fraud caused the masses to react and lose their patience and pour into the streets. The triangle of power then decided to control the situation with brute force. Using such levels of brutality did not end the protests and only delegitimized the government further. Since then, the government has only managed to stay in power through daily suppression of the opposition.

As time passed, the scope of the crisis became much wider. Efforts made by the conservatives to calm the crisis have been fruitless so far. Proposals made for mediation or national unity have been ridiculed by the radicals behind the rigged presidential election.. Radicals believe that making any concessions to the opposition would endanger the regime. On the other hand, anti-Ahmadinejad conservatives believe that suppressing the opposition would not grant legitimacy to the government and would seriously threaten the survival of the regime. These two different outlooks will create further cleavages within the ruling elite.

In addition to domestic crisis, oil prices have gone down significantly. The Ahmadinejad administration became too dependent on oil revenues, and now the government is risking international sanctions that would further isolate the Islamic Republic. This tension is also going to widen the cleavages already in place within the system.

Long story short, this exceptional situation is not sustainable. Returning to the pre-election situation is also impossible. The following two scenarios could take place. The triangle of power may ignore internal and external pressures and stay firm until its own complete elimination. Or, internal divisions among conservatives may force Khamenei and the IRGC to conclude that in order to sustain the regime they must remove Ahmadinejad, which would have its own consequences.

The last word is that the collapse of society and the destruction of security are not beneficial to people and do not aid democracy. People must learn how to avoid violence and stay away from chaos. The Green Movement must warn the government of the consequences of oppressive policies and insist on the people’s right to determine their own future. This movement must now follow through with the demands made during the peaceful demonstrations. This is necessary for both the people and the government.

Kazem Alamdari is a professor at California State University.

Iran's Regime 'Has Every Reason to Be Worried'

2009-12-26T04:17:00.000-08:00

Source: Spiegel Online

The World from Berlin
Iran's Regime 'Has Every Reason to Be Worried'
Monday saw tens of thousands of regime critics marching in Iran for the funeral of a senior dissident cleric. Mourning turned to chants of "death to the dictator," and German commentators believe there is more to come.

Tens of thousands of anti-regime protestors marched through the streets of Iran's holy city of Qom on Monday. They had gathered for the funeral procession of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, the most senior of the regime's critics, who had died in his sleep Sunday at the age of 87.

The event reportedly turned into the largest civil protest since those that followed the contested re-election in June of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which left an unknown number of protestors dead. In Monday's demonstration, protestors chanted "death to the dictator" and carried slogans voicing their support for the opposition leaders to whom Montazeri had given his support. Mir Hossein Mousavi, the head of the opposition Green Movement, and Mahdi Karroubi, a prominent protest leader, also took part in the demonstration.

Montazeri was one of the leaders of Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution and had been the heir apparent for a time to Ayatollah Khomeini. However, he fell out of favor with the regime in the 1980s because he thought that the clerics who later came to rule the country should have served in an advisory role to political leaders rather than holding on to the reins of power themselves. After serving five years under house arrest, he was released in 2003 and kept a low profile until he publically expressed his outrage over June's disputed elections.

Foreign media were blocked from the site, but footage posted online shows massive crowds. There are also reports of clashes between protestors and security forces as well as hundreds of arrests, but the situation doesn't appear to be as tense as it was in June. Still, the Associated Press is reported that some private news sources were shut down, prominent critics were arrested on the way to the protest, Internet service was slowed and mobile phone service was unreliable.

In Tuesday's newspapers, German commentators see the protests as a signal of a reinvigorated opposition movement. Likewise, they predict that next Sunday will tell whether the protest movement can keep its steam or will be suppressed with greater might.

Conservative Die Welt writes:

"The regime-controlled Iranian media only gave passing mention to Montazeri's death and did not even refer to him as a grand ayatollah."

"Montazeri was the spiritual father of the reform movement. He lent both inspiration and spiritual legitimacy to the 'green' opposition movement as well as a political face to Mir Hossein Mousavi. Montazeri embodied the notion of an enlightened Islam."

"But the opposition needn't die with him. In fact, as the mass protests at Montazeri's funeral have shown … the opposite could actually be the case. Shiites traditionally hold memorial ceremonies seven days after one's death. In the case of Montazeri, it will fall right on the Day of Ashura, one of the most important religious holidays for Shiites. It commemorates the death of Imam Hussein, a grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, who died in the Battle of Karbala in AD 680 and is reverred as a martyr. It is a day of mourning that could change into one of rage against the hated religious dictatorship. Montazeri's death will serve as a catalyst. The regime has every reason to be worried."

The center-right Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung writes:

"The 'green' opposition movement in Iran won't allow itself to be intimidated by either threats or brutal violence. … The death and burial of 87-year-old Grand Ayatollah Montazeri … are bringing thousands into the streets. … And, once again, Mousavi and Karroubi, the underdog candidates in the presidential elections held six months ago, are marching with them. At that time, Montazeri had already voiced his support for them and criticized the 'falsifications' of the incumbent president. Despite the supression, the opposition has had a certain effect precisely because both this and the earlier protest were articulated within the system of the Islamic Republic. But can such actions really alter the circumstances?"

The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:

"Montazeri clearly expressed what many other critical clerics would only hint at. He recognized the doubts that many Iranians had about the president's re-election, their longing for freedom and that the goals of the reform movement were warranted. His morally based stance made the official suspicions that the opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi were foreign agents seem even more ridiculous."

"Montazeri didn't consider either himself or the Ayatollah Khomeini … to be infallible. He was willing to face up to his mistakes, which is something that the powerful in the current regime have never done. In November, when Iran was celebrating the 30th anniversary of the occupation of the American Embassy in Tehran, Montazeri said: 'At the time, I supported it, but not today. It was a mistake.' Iranians have appreciated this kind of frankness much more than the regime's hot-air choir."

Left-wing Die Tagezeitung writes:

"In 1979, Montazeri only wanted a religious authority to make sure that the state didn't violate fundamental Islamic principles. But things turned out differently. Today, Ali Khamenei rules like a dictator. Montazeri was what we in the West hope for in a public intellectual. He constantly got into the thick of things and did not shy away from criticizing the government in harsh terms."

"In historical terms, he played the role that the Shia clergy traditionally played before it came into power in Iran. For many, he represented both restraint and a refuge. And losing his critical voice will weigh heavily on all of those in Iran who are currently mobilizing for reform."

"On the other hand, Montazeri's death could open up new opportunities for protest. Shiites traditionally commemorate their dead on the third, seventh and 40th days after their deaths, so it's fairly easy to figure out when the next demonstrations against the regime will be held. On top of that, it is currently Muharram, the month of mourning for Muslims, and the seventh day after Montazeri's death will fall on Ashura, which is next Sunday. For practicing Shiites, this is the most important holiday of the year. And the regime cannot outlaw commemorative marches on this day."

-- Josh Ward

http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,druck-668596,00.html

Judicial Organisation of Armed Forces Admits to Three Deaths

2009-12-19T17:22:00.000-08:00

December 19, 2009

Judicial Organisation of Armed Forces Admits to Three Deaths

The following is a translation summary by Mir Hossein Mousavi FB Fan Page:

After five months since the horrible events that happened in Kahrizak prison, the Judicial Organisation of Armed Forces in a statement admitted that three of the post-election protestors – Mohsen Rohol-Amini, Amir Javadifar and Mohammad Kamrani – (who were detained in Kahrizak prison), were in fact martyred under torture.
The report by forensic investigation denied the previous claims by the coup government’s propaganda machine that these detainees were killed because of complications with meningococcal disease and stated that these detainees were killed due to numerous injuries they suffered under torture. It was announced that 12 officials are charged with these crimes but no further information was given at this time.

Letter to Members of the United Nations on Human Rights in Iran – November 2009

2009-11-24T14:05:00.000-08:00

To all members of the UN General Assembly
November 11, 2009
Signatory civil society organizations,
1. Advocacy Forum (Nepal)
2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Malaysia)
3. Alternative Development Studies Center (Egypt)
4. The American Islamic Congress
5. Amnesty International
6. Angikar Bangladesh Foundation (Bangladesh)
7. The Arab Penal Reform Organization (Egypt)
8. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development – FORUM-ASIA
9. Asian Legal Resources Centre (Hong Kong, China)
10. Association for Human Rights Legal Aid (Egypt)
11. Association for Women’s Rights in Development
12. Bahá’í International Community (Switzerland)
13. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (India)
14. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Egypt)
15. Cambodian Center for Human Rights (Cambodia)
16. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (Cambodia)
17. Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (Cambodia)
18. Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development (Georgia)
19. Center for Civil Liberties (Ukraine)
20. Center for Egyptian Women’s Legal Assistance (Egypt)
21. Center for Human Rights and Development (Mongolia)
22. Center for Trade Union and Workers’ Services (Egypt)
23. Citizens’ Council for Human Rights Japan (Japan)
24. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation (South Africa)
25. Civil Initiatives Development Center (Russia)
26. Committee for the Freedom of Prisoners of Conscience in Uzbekistan (Uzbekistan)
27. Committees for the Defense of Democracy, Freedoms, and Human Rights in Syria (Syria)
28. Community Legal Aid Institute – LBT Masyarakat (Indonesia)
29. Conectas Direitos Humanos (Brazil)
30. Corporacion Humanas (Chile)
31. Dasan Human Rights Center (Republic of Korea)
32. Democracy Coalition Project (United States)
33. Democratic Workers’ Solidarity (Republic of Korea)
34. Droits Humains Sans Frontieres (Democratic Republic of the Congo)
35. East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (Uganda)
36. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (Egypt)
37. Egyptian Child’s Rights Center (Egypt)
38. Egyptian Social Democratic Center (Egypt)
39. Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l’Homme (France)
40. FLARE – Freedom, Legality, and Rights in Europe (Italy)
41. Freedom House (United States)
42. GayJapanNews (Japan)
43. Global International (Mongolia)
44. Greek Helsinki Monitor (Greece)
45. Guria Swayam Sevi Sansthan (India)
46. Habi Center for Environmental Rights (Egypt)
47. Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (Serbia)
48. Hesham Mubarak Law Center (Egypt)
49. Human Rights Association for the Assistance of Prisoners (Egypt)
50. Human Rights Development Centre (Bangladesh)
51. Human Rights First (United States)
52. Human Rights Watch (United States)
53. Human Rights Working Group (Indonesia)
54. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (Indonesia)
55. Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Indonesia)
56. Information and Culture Nuri for the Disabled Korean (Republic of Korea)
57. International Alliance of Women (Belgium)
58. International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran
59. International Commission of Jurists (Switzerland)
60. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (Indonesia)
61. International Partnership for Human Rights (Belgium)
62. Interregional Free Union of Students (Russia)
63. Interregional Human Rights Group (Russia)
64. Institute of Human Rights Education (India)
65. Italian Association for Women in Development (Italy)
66. Jagaran Media Center (Nepal)
67. Judicial System Monitoring Programme (Timor Leste)
68. Justice Foundation (Bangladesh)
69. Justice and Peace Netherlands (Netherlands)
70. Justicia y Proceso (Venezuela)
71. Korean House for International Solidarity (Republic of Korea)
72. The Kyrgyz Committee for Human Rights (Kyrgyzstan)
73. Land Center for Human Rights (Egypt)
74. Migrant Forum in Asia (The Philippines)
75. National Iranian American Council (United States)
76. National Organization for Human Rights in Syria (Syria)
77. NERVAZHI (India)
78. New Women Research Center (Egypt)
79. One World Foundation for Development and Civil Society (Egypt)
80. Open Alternative (Russia)
81. Palestine Peace Solidarity (Republic of Korea)
82. Palestinian Human Rights Organization (Lebanon)
83. Pax Romana (Switzerland)
84. Partnership for Justice (Nigeria)
85. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (Republic of Korea)
86. Peoples’ Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (India)
87. People’s Watch (India)
88. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor –EMPOWER (Malaysia)
89. Physicians for Human Rights (United States)
90. Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity ( India)
91. Quê Me: Action for Democracy (Vietnam)
92. Right to Life Foundation (Bangladesh)
93. Sasvika Sanghatan (India)
94. Shumuu Organization for Disabled Person’s Rights (Egypt)
95. South African Council of Churches (South Africa)
96. South Asia Network Against Torture & Impunity (India)
97. Suara Rakyat Malaysia – SUARAM (Malaysia)
98. Sudhanthra (India)
99. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (Taiwan)
100. Tibetan United Nations Advocacy (Switzerland)
101. Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights
102. Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (the Hague)
103. United Group (Egypt)
104. West African Human Rights Defenders Network (Togo)
105. Women’s Learning Partnership (United States)
106. Working Group on Justice for Peace (Thailand)
107. Young Europe (Russia)
108. Youth Human Rights Group – Kharkiv (Ukraine)
109. Youth Human Rights Movement (Russia)

Your Excellency,

We, the undersigned independent human rights and civil society organizations from diverse regions and societies around the world, respectfully urge your support for a United Nations General Assembly Resolution condemning the serious human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and advising the IRI of steps it should take to respect the rights of the Iranian people in accordance with international law.

Human rights conditions in Iran have deteriorated dramatically since the General Assembly’s 2008 Resolution, as the Secretary General has indicated in his recent report. It is incumbent upon the international community and a matter of the utmost moral urgency to emphasize to the government of Iran that common human rights standards must be upheld.

Since the disputed presidential elections in June 2009, thousands of Iranian citizens have suffered grave violations of their internationally protected human rights; many have been beaten and shot during peaceful protests, and there are credible, verified reports of torture, rape, and ill-treatment in detention. Hundreds of reform-oriented citizens and political figures have been tried in “show trials” without due process, and several have already been sentenced to lengthy prison terms, while others linked to the protests have been sentenced to death.

Iran has egregiously violated its citizens’ rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, and used grossly disproportionate force against peaceful protesters, many of whom were intentionally killed on the streets or in detention. Thousands have been arbitrarily arrested, “disappeared,” and held in incommunicado detention, in what amounts to a massive ideological purge. In an effort to force “confessions” to attempting to destabilize the government, many have been beaten, threatened, and tortured, including sexually. Journalists, human rights defenders, students, and other groups have been targeted.

There are calls from powerful clerics and politicians to declare opposition political activities as violations of law that are punishable by death. In the meantime, Iran executed 115 persons convicted of crimes in 50 days following the 12 June disputed elections, and has also executed juvenile offenders in the face of strong international protests. The threat to the lives of detained individuals is acute, while the wave of executions is also a warning of what may await others seeking their human rights through peaceful protests.

Women continue to suffer from institutionalized discrimination across many spheres of Iranian society. Human rights defenders working peacefully to establish gender equality are under particular stress as many have been arbitrarily detained and prosecuted for their peaceful efforts to end legal discrimination against women. Moreover, as mentioned in the report of the Secretary General, the situation of ethnic and religious minorities, particularly the Bahá’í , continues to be of great concern.

The General Assembly must take a firm stand on behalf of universal human rights principles, and on behalf of the people of Iran. While the international community focuses its attention on other issues of concern with regard to Iran, it must make clear that it will not forget the Iranian people who continue to be denied their fundamental human rights. We take this opportunity to urge your support for a General Assembly resolution that will help show Iran a path toward respecting the human rights values and standards upon which the United Nations was founded.

UN General Assembly human rights resolution on Iran

2009-11-24T13:56:00.000-08:00

Sixty-fourth session
Third Committee
Agenda item 69 (c)
Promotion and protection of human rights:
human rights situations and reports of
special rapporteurs and representatives

Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech
Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary,
Iceland, Israel, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg,
Malta, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand,
Norway, Palau, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Slovakia,
Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America:
draft resolution

Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The General Assembly,

Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenants on Human Rights2 and
other international human rights instruments,

Recalling its previous resolutions on the situation of human rights in the
Islamic Republic of Iran, the most recent of which is resolution 63/191 of
18 December 2008,

1. Takes note of the report of the Secretary General submitted pursuant to
its resolution 63/191,3 which highlights many areas of continuing concern with
respect to the promotion and protection of human rights in the Islamic Republic of
Iran and notes with particular concern negative developments in the area of civil and
political rights since June 2008, and which discusses some positive achievements
with respect to economic and social indicators;

2. Expresses its deep concern at serious ongoing and recurring human rights
violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran relating to, inter alia:
------
1 Resolution 217 A (III).
2 Resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex.
3 A/64/357.
------
(a) Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment,
including flogging and amputations;

(b) The continuing high incidence and increase in the rate of executions
carried out in the absence of internationally recognized safeguards, including public
executions and executions of juveniles;

(c) Stoning as a method of execution and persons in prison who continue to
face sentences of execution by stoning, notwithstanding a circular from the head of
the judiciary prohibiting stoning;

(d) Arrests, violent repression and sentencing of women exercising their
right to peaceful assembly, a campaign of intimidation against women’s human
rights defenders, and continuing discrimination against women and girls in law and
in practice;

(e) Increasing discrimination and other human rights violations against
persons belonging to religious, ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, recognized or
otherwise, including, inter alia, Arabs, Azeris, Baluchis, Kurds, Christians, Jews,
Sufis and Sunni Muslims and their defenders, and, in particular, attacks on Baha’is
and their faith in State-sponsored media, increasing evidence of efforts by the State
to identify, monitor and arbitrarily detain Baha’is, preventing members of the Baha’i
faith from attending university and from sustaining themselves economically, and
the continuing detention of seven Baha’i leaders who were arrested in March and
May 2008 and faced with serious charges without adequate or timely access to legal
representation;

(f) Ongoing, systemic and serious restrictions of freedom of peaceful
assembly and association and freedom of opinion and expression, including those
imposed on the media, Internet users and trade unions, and increasing harassment,
intimidation and persecution of political opponents and human rights defenders
from all sectors of Iranian society, including arrests and violent repression of labour leaders, labour members peacefully assembling and students, noting in particular the forced closure of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre and the subsequent arrest and harassment of a number of its staff;

(g) Severe limitations and restrictions on freedom of religion and belief,
including arbitrary arrest, indefinite detention and lengthy jail sentences for those
exercising their right to freedom of religion or belief;

(h) Persistent failure to uphold due process of law rights, and violation of the
rights of detainees, including defendants held without charge or held incommunicado,
the systematic and arbitrary use of prolonged solitary confinement, and lack of
timely access to legal representation;

3. Also expresses particular concern at the response of the Government of
the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Presidential election of 12 June 2009 and
the concurrent rise in human rights violations including, inter alia:

(a) Harassment, intimidation and persecution, including by arbitrary arrest,
detention or disappearance, of opposition members, journalists and other media
representatives, bloggers, lawyers, clerics, human rights defenders, academics,
students and others exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and association and
freedom of opinion and expression, resulting in numerous deaths and injuries;

(b) Use of violence and intimidation by Government-directed militias to
forcibly disperse Iranian citizens engaged in the peaceful exercise of freedom of
association, also resulting in numerous deaths and injuries;

(c) Interfering in the right to a fair trial by, inter alia, holding mass trials and
denying defendants access to adequate legal representation, resulting in death
sentences and lengthy jail sentences for some individuals;

(d) Reported use of forced confessions and abuse of prisoners including,
inter alia, rape and torture;

(e) Escalation in the rate of executions in the months following the elections;

(f) Further restrictions on freedom of expression, including severe
restrictions on media coverage of public demonstrations and the disruption of
telecommunications and Internet technology and the forcible closure of the offices
of several organizations involved in the investigation of the situation of persons
imprisoned following the election;

(g) Arbitrary arrest and detention of employees of foreign embassies in
Tehran, thereby unduly interfering with the performance of the functions of those
missions in a manner inconsistent with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations4 and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations;5

4. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to address the
substantive concerns highlighted in the report of the Secretary-General and the
specific calls to action found in previous resolutions of the General Assembly, and
to respect fully its human rights obligations, in law and in practice, in particular:

(a) To eliminate, in law and in practice, amputations, flogging and other
forms of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;

(b) To abolish, in law and in practice, public executions and other executions
carried out in the absence of respect for internationally recognized safeguards;

(c) To abolish, pursuant to its obligations under article 37 of the Convention
on the Rights of the Child6 and article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights,2 executions of persons who at the time of their offence were under
the age of 18;

(d) To abolish the use of stoning as a method of execution;

(e) To eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other
human rights violations against women and girls;

(f) To eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other
human rights violations against persons belonging to religious, ethnic, linguistic or
other minorities, recognized or otherwise, to refrain from monitoring individuals on
the basis of their religious beliefs, and to ensure that access of minorities to
education and employment is on par with that of all Iranians;

(g) To implement, inter alia, the 1996 report of the Special Rapporteur on
religious intolerance,7 which recommended ways in which the Islamic Republic of
-------------
4 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 500, No. 7310.
5 Ibid., vol. 596, No. 8638.
6 Ibid., vol. 1577, No. 27531.
7 See E/CN.4/1996/95/Add.2.
--------------
Iran could emancipate the Baha’i community, and also to accord the seven Baha’i
leaders held since 2008 the due process of law rights they are constitutionally
guaranteed, including the right to adequate legal representation and the right to a
fair trial;

(h) To end the harassment, intimidation and persecution of political
opponents and human rights defenders, students, academics, journalists, other media
representatives, bloggers, clerics and lawyers, including by releasing persons
imprisoned arbitrarily or on the basis of their political views, including those
detained following the Presidential election of 12 June 2009;

(i) To uphold due process of law rights, to end impunity for human rights
violations, and to launch a credible, impartial and independent investigation into the allegations of post-Presidential election human rights violations;

5. Further calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to
redress its inadequate record of cooperation with international human rights
mechanisms by, inter alia, reporting pursuant to its obligations to the treaty bodies
of the instruments to which it is a party and cooperating fully with all international human rights mechanisms, and encourages the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to continue exploring cooperation on human rights and justice reform with the United Nations, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights;

6. Expresses deep concern that, despite the Islamic Republic of Iran’s
standing invitation to all thematic special procedures mandate holders, it has not
fulfilled any requests from those special mechanisms to visit the country in four
years and has not answered numerous communications from those special
mechanisms, and strongly urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to
fully cooperate with the special mechanisms, including facilitating their visits to its territory, so that credible and independent investigations of all allegations of human rights violations, particularly those arising since 12 June 2009, can be conducted;

7. Invites the thematic special procedures mandate holders to pay particular
attention to the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran, in particular the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or
punishment, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to
freedom of opinion and expression, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
human rights defenders, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Working
Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, with a view to investigating and
reporting on the various human rights violations that have arisen since 12 June
2009;

8. Requests the Secretary-General to report to it at its sixty-fifth session on
the progress made in the implementation of the present resolution;

9. Decides to continue its examination of the situation of human rights in
the Islamic Republic of Iran at its sixty-fifth session under the item entitled
“Promotion and protection of human rights”.

Amnesty International: Iranian-American Scholar Sentenced to 15 Years in a Judicial Travesty

2009-10-23T10:17:00.001-07:00

Brief Introduction

After Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was declared the winner in the 12 June presidential elections in Iran, there were widespread protests against the contested election results. The Iranian authorities responded with violence and repression. Dozens of people were reportedly killed and many more injured in violent assaults by Basij paramilitary and riot police. The government has reported that about 4,000 people had been arrested; several hundred remain in detention. Academic and dual Iran-U.S. national Kian Tajbakhsh was arrested at his home in Tehran on 9 July. Kian Tajbakhsh, a 47-year-old social scientist who taught urban policy at the New School University in New York and who consulted for George Soros’ Open Society Institute, was arrested on the night of 9 July by agents of the Security Police. His family was not notified of the place where he was being detained. His arrest was first announced on the Iranian state-sponsored English language Press TV on 13 July when it was alleged that he was “cooperating” with Hossein Rassam, the head of the Security and Political Division of the British Embassy in Tehran in orchestrating the post-12 June election protests. He had been held in solitary confinement and subjected to prolonged interrogations for about three months.

On Saturday 1 August Kian Tajbakhsh was among the more than 100 people who were brought to trial before a Revolutionary Court in Tehran, accused of organizing the post-election protests, of having links with armed opposition groups, and of “conspiring against the ruling system.” Among those being tried were political opposition figures—including senior officials from former President Mohammad Khatami’s government—journalists and academics. Kian Tajbakhsh and Maziar Bahari, a Canadian-American journalist who worked for Newsweek magazine, were the only two dual nationals on trial. Kian Tajbakhsh spoke at the 25 August session of the trial, saying that the U.S. and European countries had a goal of trying to bring change inside Iran.

Om 20 October, Kian Tajbakhsh’s court-appointed lawyer Houshang Azhari announced that Tajbakhsh had received a prison sentence of at least twelve years. Subsequent reports indicate that he was sentenced to fifteen years in prison. Charges against Tajbakhsh included espionage, co-operation with an enemy government, and acting against national security. The charges against him included being a consultant for the Open Society Institute, which the indictment identifies as a CIA satellite institution devoted to fomenting “velvet revolutions” in Iran and elsewhere, according to Iran’s official IRNA news agency. He was also charged with belonging to an e-mail list Gulf/2000 run by Gary Sick, a professor at Columbia University, whom the indictment identifies as a CIA agent.

Amnesty International has consistently criticized Iran’s Revolutionary Courts for their failure to adhere to international standards for fair trials. Confessions extracted under torture or duress are routinely admitted as evidence in the proceedings in these courts. Kian Tajbakhsh and his co-defendants were at risk of torture and ill-treatment during their incommunicado detention, held without access to their families or their lawyers.

Targets

Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic
Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei, The Office of the Supreme Leader
Islamic Republic Street – End of Shahid Keshvar Doust Street, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info_leader@leader.ir
via website: http://www.leader.ir/langs/en/index.php?p=letter (English)

Minister of the Interior
Mostafa Mohammad Najjar
Ministry of the Interior
Dr Fatemi Avenue
Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Fax: +98 21 8 896 203
+98 21 8 899 547
+98 21 6 650 203
Salutation: Your Excellency

Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh (Office of the Head of the Judiciary)
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: Email: Via website: http://www.dadiran.ir/tabid/81/Default.aspx 1st starred box: your given name; 2sd starred box: your family name; 3rd: your email address

Salutation: Your Excellency

Sample Letter

Your Excellency:

I am writing to you to express my concern about the case of Iranian-American scholar Kian Tajbakhsh who was convicted and sentenced to fifteen years in prison by a Revolutionary Court in Tehran. Charges against him reportedly included espionage, co-operation with an enemy government, and acting against national security.

Mr. Tajbakhsh was one of over 100 people brought to trial before a Revolutionary Court and accused of inciting the protests over the contested 12 June Iranian presidential election. Mr. Tajbakhsh had been arrested on 9 July and was held incommunicado, in solitary confinement for about three months and was reportedly subjected to lengthy interrogations.

International human rights organizations have consistently criticized Iran’s Revolutionary Courts for their failure to adhere to international standards for fair trials. Mr. Tajbakhsh and his co-defendants were not permitted the lawyers of their choice and were not allowed to adequately defend themselves against the vague charges brought against them.

Kian Tajbakhsh is a prisoner of conscience, persecuted solely because of his peaceful academic work. I strongly urge that the conviction of Kian Tajbakhsh be overturned and that he be immediately and unconditionally released from prison. I also urge that any trials held for those arrested in connection with the post-election protests conform to internationally accepted standards and that confessions extracted under torture or duress are not admitted as evidence. Thank you very much for your attention.

Background Information

Kian Tajbakhsh was one of four Iranian-Americans detained in Iran for several months in 2007 and charged with attempting to foment a “velvet revolution” against the Islamic Republic. He was arrested on 11 May 2007 and held in Section 209 of Evin Prison in Tehran, where he was not granted access to his family or a lawyer. He was released on 19 September 2007 on a bail of one billion Rials (about $110,000). He was accused of “acting against national security by engaging in propaganda against the Islamic Republic by spying on behalf of foreigners.”

The other three Iranian-Americans detained were Haleh Esfandiari, the Director of the Middle East Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC, Parnaz Azima, a journalist with Radio Farda, the Persian language service run by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Voice of America, and Ali Shakeri, a peace activist from California.

In July 2007 Kian Tajbakhsh and Haleh Esfandiari appeared on an Iranian National TV program called “In the Name of Democracy” in which they made statements that were characterized as indicating their involvement in trying to incite a “velvet revolution” to overthrow the government. Kian Tajbakhsh stated that “[the role] of the Soros Center after the collapse of Communism was to focus on the Islamic world” and that “I was giving consultation to Soros about the social and political affairs of Iran,” and that he sought to “create a conflict between the government and the people.” The use of statements by Kian Tajbakhsh and Haleh Esfandiari on television was condemned by Amnesty International and other human rights groups.

Kian Tajbakhsh remained in Iran after his release in September 2007, living in Tehran with his Iranian wife and baby daughter.

The recent “show trials” before the Revolutionary Court have resulted in sentences against other individuals, although the prison sentence imposed against Kian Tajbakhsh is the lengthiest so far. Saeed Hajjarian, a member of the Islamic Iran Participation Front, was given a five-year suspended sentence. Shahab Tabatabai and Hedayat Aghaie, both reformist politicians, were each sentenced to five years in prison. Masoud Bastani, a journalist, received a five-year prison sentence. Three individuals were also sentenced to death in connection with the post-election protests. One of them, Mohammad Reza Ali Zamani, was sentenced to death after his conviction for “Moharebeh” or “enmity against God” for his membership in a banned organization advocating the restoration of the Monarchy in Iran.

Saleh Nikbakht, a lawyer representing Mohammad Ali Abtahi and other defendants, complained that, "I have not had access to the prosecution case files at any point since the arrest of my clients. I was not aware of the trial until 11am [the day the trial opened]. And I did not get permission to enter the court room." According to article 135 of the Iranian constitution, trials held without lawyers being present are illegal. The only media organization permitted to cover the court proceedings was the Fars News Agency, linked to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.

On 6 August Amnesty International wrote to the former Head of the Judiciary, Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, asking him to allow the organization to send an observer to the trial in the Revolutionary Court in Tehran, but has received no response.

Every Iranian should sign this complaint against the election fraud in Iran and send it to the UN Human Rights Council

2009-10-21T10:48:00.000-07:00

Every Iranian should sign this complaint against the election fraud in Iran and send it to the UN Human Rights Council

Human Rights Council and Treaties Division
Complaint Procedure
OHCHR-UNOG
1211 Geneva 10
Switzerland

Complaints

The tenth presidential elections in Iran were not free and democratic

The Presidential Elections 2009 in the Islamic Republic of Iran clearly violates the articles of Universal Declarations of Human Rights, International covenant on civil and political rights as well as the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran. Many political personalities and independent persons was the candidacy for the presidency refused. In addition, the executive council of interior ministry and the observing committee of Guardian council have illegally managed to widely filter out candidates in favor of a particular group within the establishment. Therefore, this election does not enjoy the merits of a free and democratic election.

Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won his second presidential term by virtue of a totally rigged election and the subsequent coup d’état organized and orchestrated by the similarly unrepresentative leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei.

On June 12, millions of Iranians headed to the polls to elect their next president in an election with only four candidates, who had been handpicked by the Guardian Council. By all accounts, the alleged winner – Mr. Ahmadinejad - was not the one the people of Iran had voted for. Noticing that their vote had been hijacked, the people took to the streets to reclaim it. In response, the vigilante groups and the security forces brutally attacked the peaceful demonstrators and opened fire, killing tens of people and injuring many more. Many more were arrested and taken to prisons and other detention centers where they were subjected to barbaric torture, including rape of men and women as confirmed by other presidential candidates as well as by the internationally renowned human rights organization, Amnesty International. A number of them were forced to incriminate themselves in front of TV cameras by “confessing” to crimes they had not committed or to actions that are not crimes even under the unfair laws of the country.

We are registering our complaints based on inalienable civil and political rights and also based on:

Article 25 of International covenant of civil and political rights:

Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions:

(a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives;
(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors;
(c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to public service in his country.
We demand that according to the complementary protocol and section 4 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, an investigation be carried out and the government of Iran as an offender of the above rights be pressured to abide by the laws and also change the discriminatory laws when necessary.

Our objections are based upon:

1. Lack of freedom of peaceful activity for political parties and associations inside
the country.

2. Inability to be nominated, to freely elect the candidates of one’s choice and hold the pertaining rights based on the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Covenants on Civil and Political Rights, due to lack of “Practical Commitment” to Islam and Absolute dominance of Supreme Leader.

3. Inability of religious minorities to hold office and to assume responsibilities in the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government.

Since according to the article 2 of the complementary protocol and section 4 of the
Covenant on the Civil and Political Rights, the protesters must file their complain
inside Iran. Whereas Iran’s Constitution has not anticipated any organization to take care of such complaints, we submit our complaints to the head judiciary.

With respect

Name and address

UN rights chief speaks out against use of death penalty in Iran

2009-10-19T08:29:00.000-07:00

13 October 2009 –The United Nations human rights chief today called for changes to Iranian laws to end the death penalty for juvenile offenders, and also voiced serious concern about the death sentences handed down to three people for their involvement in the recent post-election protests.
Behnoud Shojaie, who was executed on Sunday, had been convicted of the murder of another boy in a street fight when both were 17 years old, according to a news release issued by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

Both High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay and UN special rapporteurs had raised his case with the Iranian authorities, reminding them of their international obligation not to execute juveniles.

Iran is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, both of which prohibit the death penalty for juvenile offenders.

Ms. Pillay had welcomed indications that the Iranian judiciary was encouraging victims’ families to reach private settlements in such cases. The former head of the judiciary had previously agreed to suspend Shojaie’s death sentence, in order to give the victim's family a chance to pardon him under Islamic Shariah law.

“This latest execution shows there are no guarantees of clemency for juveniles until Iran changes its law and practice to end execution of juvenile offenders once and for all,” Ms. Pillay said. “It is the State’s responsibility to stop these executions, not a family’s prerogative.”

The Iranian legislature is currently considering a new draft juvenile justice law that provides “a valuable opportunity to end the execution of juvenile offenders,” said OHCHR.

The High Commissioner also voiced serious concerns about the death sentences recently handed down to three individuals involved in the protests that took place after the country’s presidential election.

“Under international law, the death penalty can only be applied when very strict conditions are met, for example only in respect of the most serious crimes and only after scrupulously fair trials,” she noted.

The UN human rights mechanisms have held the view that the imposition of the death penalty for crimes that do not result in loss of life is contrary to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

“There are also major concerns about the way the recent trials of opposition activists were conducted, and I hope these judgments will be reviewed carefully by the higher courts,” Ms. Pillay said.

A Policy Suggestion When Iran Talks with the West: Invite the Green Movement

2009-10-16T12:59:00.000-07:00

September 23rd, 2009

Kazem Alamdari

LOS ANGELES–The United States and its allies correctly have pledged to engage with Iran. That is good news; there is no viable alternative. However, considering that the results of the June 12 in which President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was declared the winner are widely disputed, any talks should include a leader of the opposition movement. Who can say with certainty that Ahmadinejad, not Mir Hossein Moussavi, the leader of the Green Movement, is truly Iran’s president?

Since the election, the Islamic Republic is experiencing the most serious, unprecedented challenge in its thirty-year history, from within and without. The system faces a crisis of legitimacy, which is the outcome of a gap between the ruled and the rulers and a rigged election. Hatred against the ruling power is so obvious that in the mass rally on “Quds Day,” September 18, Iranians in the opposition responded with new chants to the slogans from pro-government demonstrators. While the pro-government demonstrators chanted, “Death to America” and “Death to Israel,” opposition supporters responded with chants of “Death to Russia” and “Death to China.” These slogans refer to Iran’s two key allies, both of which supply Iran with technological and diplomatic strength.

It is apparent from the proposal Iran submitted earlier this month to the 5+1, the permanent members of the U.N. Security Council plus Germany, that the ruling powers in Iran are unwilling to negotiate over the nuclear issue. Their proposal was primarily an instructive document for peace, justice, and progress in the world. The five-page proposal called for “joint efforts and interactions to help the people of Palestine to draw a comprehensive, democratic and equitable plan.” It also sought reforms within the United Nations “on the basis of principles of democracy and justice.”

One reason Iran is not interested in negotiating over the nuclear issue might be surprising to many Americans: having a nuclear capability plays well with Iranians at home. Iranians generally believe their country has a right to a nuclear program, if not a nuclear weapon, so this is one issue upon which Iran’s rulers and its citizens agree.

During talks with Iran, the United States should raise issues that place Iran in a weak position at home and abroad. These include the brutal repression of protesters, reports of torture and rape inside Iranian prisons, and the forced confessions from defendants who have participated in demonstrations and now face charges, including espionage and attempts to overthrow the state.

The gross human rights violations committed by the regime since the June demonstrations have produced perhaps the greatest damage to Iran’s leaders. Even some of the conservatives’ long-standing, prominent supporters have turned against them. For example, Mohammad Nourizad, a filmmaker and long-time believer in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, issued a condemnation of the ruling establishment. According to the Associated Press, he wrote: “As commander in chief of the armed forces, you didn’t treat people well after the election. Your agents opened fire, killed the people, beat them and destroyed and burned their property. Your role in this can’t be ignored. Your apology can cool down the wrath of the people.”

In a meeting organized by Khamenei’s office for artists and movie directors, Majid Majidi, a leading movie director and Oscar nominee, spoke of atrocities and violence in the country and complained to the leader, while weeping, “I am not well, . . . many other film makers are also not well and refused to come to this session. . . . Sir! Where are we heading? We are shredding everything into pieces. . . . It looks like we’re now in a real war . . . where there is hatred and violence. . . . We are losing everything.”

The survival of Iran’s leaders requires a major change—either profound reform or more repressive action. Thus far, the ruling power has chosen the latter option. Under such political circumstances, negotiations by Western powers with Iran will legitimize an illegitimate government and hurt the movement for reform. This could be mitigated to some degree if the West demands the presence of reformist leaders in talks with Iran.

Kazem Alamdari is a professor at California State University

Human Rights Council and Treaties Division=Complaint Procedure

2009-10-08T10:20:00.000-07:00

Human Rights Council and Treaties Division
Complaint Procedure
OHCHR-UNOG
1211 Geneva 10
Switzerland

Complaint

The 10th presidential elections in Iran were not free and democratic

The Presidential Election 2009 in the Islamic Republic of Iran has clearly violated the principles of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Guardian Council illegally filtered the 471 candidates who had registered to stand for election, sanctioning only four candidates who were considered to be a part of the establishment. Therefore, this election did not enjoy the merits of a free and democratic election.

Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won his second presidential term by virtue of a totally rigged election and the subsequent coup d’état organized and orchestrated by the similarly unrepresentative leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei.

On June 12, millions of Iranians headed to the polls to elect their next president in an election with only four candidates, who had been handpicked by the Guardian Council. By all accounts, the alleged winner – Mr. Ahmadinejad - was not the one the people of Iran had voted for. Noticing that their vote had been hijacked, the people took to the streets to reclaim it. In response, the vigilante groups and the security forces brutally attacked the peaceful demonstrators and opened fire, killing tens of people and injuring many more. Many more were arrested and taken to prisons and other detention centers where they were subjected to barbaric torture, including rape of men and women as confirmed by other presidential candidates as well as by the internationally renowned human rights organization, Amnesty International. A number of them were forced to incriminate themselves in front of TV cameras by “confessing” to crimes they had not committed or to actions that are not crimes even under the unfair laws of the country.

We are registering our complaint based on the inalienable civil and political rights and also based on:

Article 25 of International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights:

Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in Article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions:

(a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives;
(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors;
(c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to public service in his country.
We demand an investigation to be conducted into the election fraud according to the complementary protocol and section 4 of the ICCPR and the government of Iran, as the violator of the above rights, be pressed to abide by the laws and also change the discriminatory laws when necessary.

Our objections are based upon:

1. Lack of freedom for peaceful activities of political parties and associations in the country.

2. Denial of the rights to be nominated and to freely elect the candidates of one’s choice, and to enjoy the pertaining rights based on the provisions of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the ICCPR, on the pretext of lacking “Practical Commitment” to Islam and absolute dominance of the Supreme Leader.

3. Prohibition of the religious minorities from holding office and assuming responsibility at the higher levels of executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government.

As stipulated by Article 2 of the complementary protocol and section 4 of the ICCPR, complainants must file their complaint within Iran. Whereas the IRI Constitution has not anticipated any organizations to investigate such complaints, we submit our complaint
possibly to the head of the IRI Judiciary, Ayatollah Sadegh Larijani.

With respect

Name and address

Analysis of the Results of the Presidential Elections of the 2005 and 2009 of the Islamic Republic of Iran

2009-07-04T15:31:00.000-07:00

Analysis of the Results of the Presidential Elections of the
2005 and 2009 of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Why the outcome of the elections of the 12th June 2009 cannot be considered as legitimated?

Authors:
Masoud Azari
Behrooz Bayat
Behriiz.bayat@aon.at
+43 699 18589098

A Publication of United Republicans of Iran June 28, 2009.
International@jomhouri.com
Executive Summary
In the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) the requirements for an election to be free and fair is missing. The following limiting factors give rise to an election process with a high probability of bias and/or fraud.
Ø A lack of equal rights for the citizens,

Ø Restrictions are posed on nascent political parties,

Ø Limited access to the media,

Ø The Guardian Council (GC) acting as a filter whilst ratifying the candidates,

Ø The interference by the Supreme Leader and the armed forces in the electoral process,

Ø Fraudulent interventions of the state institutions via the Elections Executive favoring a particular candidate.

The analysis of the official polling results in 2005 and 2009 leads to the following conclusions:
Ø Voting pattern of the Iranian in many provinces and in the rural areas is predominantly driven by ethnicity.

Ø The high turnout of the voters (85% in 2009 versus 60% in 2005) as a result of the mobilization of the “silent” citizens usually leads to reformist and moderate candidates to be elected.

Ø There is no indication that the votes of this group must end up in Ahmadinejad basket.

Ø The alleged extreme increase of Ahmadinejad votes (up to 1000% as against the results of 2005 presidential elections) does not correspond with the economic and social records after 4 years of his administration.

Ø There are significant indications that the figures are almost certainly manipulated ineptly and engineered by a group lacking any care for propriety. Just as two examples, at least in two provinces the participation of voters was more than 100% of the eligible citizens. Furthermore in the province of Lorestan more than 10% of the ballot boxes have totals being exactly multiples of 100 ( e.g. 21 boxes with 700 votes, 20 boxes with 800, 6 boxes with 1500, etc.)

Introduction:
The totally unexpected outcome of the recent presidential elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and the ensuing political earthquake as its aftermath motivated many observers to launch analytical studies to make sense of and to verify the results.
Several approaches were reported:
A pure theoretical analysis based on the official election data [1]

An empirical analysis of the data [2]

A factor by factor analysis of the political environment before, during and after polling and an empirical analysis of the official polling data

This paper applies the latter method considering the situation on the political ground and then attempts to analyse the turnout figures published officially by the government of the IRI.
The political analysis is based on the statements of three opposition candidates, the announcements of the official institutions of the IRI ([3],[4] ,[5], [6]) as well as the monitoring of the political events by the authors of this paper.
Political environment: Some of the most crucial prerequisites of a free and fair election are the following:
Equal rights for all citizens.

Freedom of speech and expression of opinions.

Freedom to build parties, unions, NGOs etc.

Freedom of having / having access to press and media.

Each citizen has to be potentially eligible to nominate him/herself as a candidate to be elected.

Competitiveness of the election shall be guaranteed.

The voting procedure shall be free and fair, assuring the secrecy of the individual votes.

8. The counting of the votes has to be performed under supervision of the representatives of all candidates.

The elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) have never been free and fair. However before the current (10th period) presidential election two components of the above mentioned prerequisites were to some extent respected: The candidates who had been preselected by the Guardian Council, competed in an environment of more or less irregularities but the counting of the votes was carried out to a tolerable standard of fairness.
During the current presidential election the IRI leadership has broken with this tradition and eliminated the last legitimate vestiges of the election process.
The following paragraphs, explain crucial aspects of the current presidential elections with a view to show why the recent election results most probably do not reflect the will of a majority of voters, but that almost certainly, we are faced with a huge fraud and vote rigging.
The situation as it seemed prior to the election campaigns;-
Lack of Equal Rights:
In the IRI citizens do not have equal rights to participate as candidates in the electoral procedure. There is discrimination on the basis of gender, religious minorities and secular citizens. More over there is also discrimination within the Shia communities between those who are tightly aligned with Ayatollah Khamenei and the rest of the Muslims.
Restriction for Building Political Parties etc.
With the exception of the opposition candidate Mr. Karoubi the remaining main opposition parties and candidates are either considered as illegal or are living in a purgatorial state between legality and illegality.
Lack of Access to Media:
They have no access to state controlled mass media like newspapers, TV and radio broadcasting. Hundreds of the reformist newspapers and publications are forbidden and closed. Communication via the internet is also severely controlled and restricted, either by direct prosecution of the bloggers, by filtering web sites or by reducing the bandwidth for internet communication. It is not allowed to organize rallies, meetings or demonstrations.
Lack of the Right to Apply for Candidacy- Filtering by Guardian Council:
Of the approximately 500 citizens (including 30 women) applying for the candidacy for president only 4 applicants were selected by the Guardian Council (GC). The supreme leader Mr. Khamenei has frequently backed the government of Mr. Ahamdinejad. The Guardian Council responsible for the supervision of electoral processes consists of 12 members, six clerics nominated by the Supreme Leader directly, and 6 lawyers chosen by the Head of the IRI Judiciary (a Supreme Leader appointee in his own right) to be approved by the parliament. In other words, all members of the Guardian Council are directly or indirectly linked to the Supreme Leader. Moreover, not only repeated interventions were observed by several GC clerics in favor of Ahmadinejad but two members had been given concurrent responsibilities in his cabinet - Mr. Elham as Justice Minister and spokesman and Mr. Azizi as vice-president.[7]
Thus it can be easily envisaged that the GC is strongly biased in favor of Mr. Ahmadinejad and has acted in a partisan manner.
Involvement of the Military Institutions:
Contrary to the IRI constitution which forbids any involvement by the military institutions in the political affairs of the country, in the course of the recent elections the military forces of the Revolutionary Guard (Pasdaran), paramilitary forces of Basij, as well as intelligence forces increasingly took direct actions.
In the weeks leading to the elections, Mr. Ahamdinejad mobilized the large financial resources of his government to distribute money (from the beit-ul-maal or the public treasure) among his supporters to secure their support.
Preparation for fraud:
Crucial changes within the interior ministry were reported suggesting that the government was preparing for fraudulent practices during the forthcoming elections. On this occasion the less reliable officers were replaced with the followers of Mr. Ahamdinejad (replacement of the interior minister and appointment of Mr. Sadegh Mahsouli, a close ally of Mr. Ahamdinejad from the Revolutionary Guard).
During the campaign
Biased Media
The abuse of government and public resources for the propaganda in favor of Mr. Ahamdinejad was widely reported. The partisan support of the national radio and TV broadcasting organization in favor of Ahamdinejad continued until the last moments of the election campaign.
The abuse of government and public resources for the purpose of propaganda favoring Mr. Ahamdinejad was widely reported. The partisan support of the national radio and TV broadcasting organization in favor of Ahamdinejad continued until the last moments of the election campaign.
Support by Supreme Leader
Ahamdinejad repeatedly enjoyed the support of supreme leader and the high ranking officers of the Revolutionary Guards both of which are legally forbidden.
This propaganda was over and above the repeatedly publicized support of Ahmadinejad by the Supreme Leader as well as the high ranking officers of the Revolutionary Guards. Interestingly, all such actions are forbidden under the election regulation of the IRI.

Irregularities
Admission card for representatives of candidates:
The ministries of interior staff refused or hesitated to issue admission cards for the representative of the candidates which would have allowed them access the ballot collection sites.
In one stated case, the election management staff of Mr. Karoubi asked for 3100 admission cards for its representatives overseeing the polling procedure in ballot centers in Teheran. Only a few of them received the admission card on time[8].
In the case of the candidate Mr. Mousavi[9] his request for the issuance of admission cards for his representatives was either neglected or the cards were issued with the wrong names. In a large number of cases, the pictures of female representatives were attached to the cards of their male colleagues and vice versa thus denying them access to the polling stations. Furthermore it was reported that in numerous cases the admission cards of the observers for one candidate were sent to the observers of another creating a confusing situation which was never resolved due to the shortage of time until the start day of the elections.
Polling Coupons, Amassed but not Available
Although the national registration office had announced the number of citizens eligible to vote in the presidential elections as 46,200,000, the government amassed 59,600,000 ballots. An additional 2.5 million coupons had been printed without any serial numbers[10],[11].
Amazingly in spite of this fact, a shortage of electoral coupons was observed in many regions of the country including Tabriz, Shiraz and North- West- and East-Teheran in the first hours of the polling.
Voting and Counting
According to the election law the ballot boxes have to be inspected prior to the being sealed by the representatives of the candidates. This indispensable requirement was not fulfilled in the majority of the polling stations. Thus thousands of the representatives of Mr. Mousavi were not allowed to fulfill their most important role as observers. According to Mr. Mousavi, in many cases the number of the admission cards allocated to his representatives did not correspond with the number of ballot boxes to be inspected so the access by thousands of his observers was denied in this manner as well[12].
The total number of mobile ballot boxes was remarkably high at 14,000 [13],[14]. These were used even in locations where the distance to the standing ballot boxes was some ten meters. The vast majority of the mobile ballot boxes were not observed by the candidates’ representatives opening the door for further fraud.
According to Mr. Mousavi, the representatives of the candidates were not allowed to participate in the procedure of registering the results of counting at the majority of the ballot boxes, thus denying them any possibility to verify the results.
Finally, in order to disturb the communication between the representatives with their centers, the short message service (SMS) as the only means for their communication was interrupted in the entire country.
All three candidates, Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karoubi and Mr. Rezai have announced that they do not have any hint how the final count of the votes was calculated with the total absence of any representatives on behalf of the candidates. Apparently, this final decision was made in a room inside the interior ministry in the presence of the Minister, Mr. Mahsouli, and Mr. Daneshjou, the head of the elections office plus a third unknown person.
At those few sites where the representatives of the candidates were allowed to act as observers, there was absolutely no correspondence between the reported results by the observers and those published officially[15].
Discussion and comparison of the results
The turn out of over 100%
According to a conservative candidate Mr. Rezai, in 170 cities the percentages of voters reached 100% and more. Meanwhile in a broadcast by the Second Channel of the state TV, the spokesman of Guardian Council confirmed the same outcome but only for 50 cities. The officially data published by the institutes of the IRI indicate that in two provinces Yazd and Mazandaran the turnout was higher than 100% and four more provinces around 95%[16].
At least in the following 40 cities across the country the total turnout figures are between 100% and 140%:
Taft 141%, Mehriz 121%, Saddough 111%, Tabas 101%, Bafgh 100%, Ardestan 101%, Tiran 108%, Chadegan 120%, Khonsar 100%, Fereydounshahr 108%, Kouhrang 132%, Ardegan 104%, Sarbishe 105%, Ghaenat 101%, Bardaskan 102%, Chenaran 104%, Khalilabad 103%, Khavaf 104%, Rashtkhar 101%, Fariman 105%, Baghemalek 106%, Roudbar Jonoub 121%,
Ghaleganj 112%, Dana 127%, Behmayi 113%, Boyerahmad 105%, Bandargaz & Minoudasht 101%, Siyahkal 104%, Shaft 101%, Masal 104%, Delfan 110%, Selsele 112%, Nour 104%, Galougah 103%, Mahmoudabad 102%, Nekah&Ramsar 101%, Aboumousa 115%, Bandarlange 100%, Roudan 104%
Voting Pattern in the IRI:
Consequence of higher participation
During the last elections at national or regional levels it turned out that the higher the participation of the citizens the better the chance of reformist candidates.
For instance when the reformist President Khatami was elected in a landslide victory (with 70% of the votes) the participation was high at 80%.
On the other hand when Ahmadinejad was elected to the post of Tehran Mayor, only 15% of the eligible inhabitants of Tehran took part in the polling and his personal result was around 3% of the entire eligible vote.
Another example: The turnout figure for the presidential election in 2005 leading to the victory of Ahmadinejad was allegedly 60% nationwide[17]. This figure was in real terms, slightly lower than 50% but by manipulating the actual number of eligible voters it was engineered to appear as 60% of the total eligible population of the IRI.
Ethnical Effect
The ethnic mix of the Iranian population has affected the election in the IRI.
During the past years the elections in the provinces have always shown a strong tendency to favor the ethnic candidates in their own ethnic territories.
Looking at the results of the 2005 presidential elections (table 2), whilst Ahamdinejad and Karoubi were competing in the provinces of Lorestan and the neighboring province of Kermanshah, the vote count for Mr. Karoubi, born in a city in Lorestan, was 53.9% and 33.3% respectively. The same figures for Mr. Ahamdinejad, not a native of the aforementioned provinces, were 8.5% and 9.3%. Speaking in absolute terms: While the vote count for Karoubi in Lorestan was reduced by a factor of almost 10 (from 440,247 to 44,036) regards 2005, the figure in favor of Ahamdinejad was increased by the factor 10 (69,710 to 677,829). This require that all of the new voters (caused by the higher participation), plus the 2005 voters for conservatives and for Rafsanjani, plus almost 49% of the reformist voters must have cast their ballots in the basket of Ahamdinejad.
According to an analysis of Chatham House[18] in recent elections Ahamdinejad must have acquired in one third of the provinces the entire votes for conservatives, plus Rafsanjani, plus all new voters (due to higher turnout), plus 44% of the reformists votes which have been collected in 2005.
Such a swing of votes in general and from Karoubi in particular to Ahamdinejad is almost impossible under the prevailing ethnic tendencies given above.
Let us now consider the case of a little known candidate for the presidential elections of 2005, that of Mr. Mehralizadeh, a reformist candidate from Azerbaijan (West- and East-Azerbaijan and Ardebil, table 3, table 4 and table 5) having no support from reformist parties. His vote counts outside the provinces of his origin tended towards marginal figures (0.8% in Lorestan, 1.6% in Kermanshah and country wide 4.5%). But in his own home provinces Mr. Mehralizadeh had the highest share of the votes with regard to all other candidates (27.7% East-Azerbaijan, 19.3% West-Azerbaijan and 22.6% in Ardebil).
Province of Ardebil, a Specific Case Uttering the Effect of Ethnicity
The significance of the ethnic-driven voting pattern is further emphasized if we look at the votes of Mr. Ahamdinejad in the province of Ardabil where he was a well-known person having been the provincial governor for 4 years (table 5). In the 2005 presidential elections Ahamdinejad earned just 6.9% of the province’s votes compared with 22.6 in favor of the poorly known Azerbaijani candidate, namely Mr. Mehralizadeh who was an ethnic Azeri himself.
The voting patterns demonstrate the known strong ethnic tendency, especially for voters to vote for candidates of their ethnicity. This finding makes it implausible that Mr. Ahamdinejad has defeated Mr. Mousavi, the well-known and famous son of Azerbaijan and prime minister of IRI during the eight hard years of the Iran-Iraq war, even in his own home provinces.
Overall Map of the Voting Pattern 2005
Fig. 1 shows the distribution of the vote counts for Ahamdinejad and Karoubi in the course of 2005 presidential election in all provinces of Iran. It suggests that in the rural and periphery area where predominantly the ethnic minorities are living, the share of Karoubi is higher than that of Ahamdinejad. This fact contradicts the homogeneous distribution as well as the high level of the vote counts of Ahamdinejad across the country in 2009 elections.
The analysis of the data by the Chatham group (Ansari et. al.) questions also the credibility as well as the plausibility of the 2009 election figures published by interior ministry. In particular it questions:
The turn out of 100% and more in at least two provinces and many more cities

On the basis of the data from the elections 1997, 2001 and 2005 in the IRI it concludes: “That the countryside always votes for conservatives is a myth”

The higher participation of the voters can not be considered as a reason for the alleged success of Ahmadinejad

Manufactured results?
Taking as one example, the results of the 2009 presidential elections for the province of Lorestan, broken down to the individual ballot boxes, an amazing pattern emerges. In126 out of 1212 ballot boxes the total figures are seemingly rounded to the multiples of hundred. That is to say, there are 21 ballot boxes with exactly 700 votes. Another 20 have 800 votes and a further 14 contain 900 whilst six other ballot boxes having exactly 1500 votes.
This pattern of "rounded" vote counts happens in more than 10 percent of the ballot boxes in Lorestan province, a highly improbable statistical occurrence. If we consider a statistically probable figure (for a randomly generated set of figures for the votes per ballot box) the probability of encountering numbers in multiples of 100 falls well below 1%. Now, compare this to the totals for the ballot boxes outside of Iran where we find none of the 69 corresponding ballot boxes totals being a multiple of 100 ( rounded figures as for Lorestan).
As a conclusion, it can be said that either the citizen in Lorestan cast their votes in groups of 100 individuals, which seems remote from reality or there is strong evidence that the figures have been created artificially.

Conclusion
Taking all abovementioned fact and figures into account we conclude that the 2009 elections were
Neither free not fair
Extremely manipulated
The alleged turnout figure have been, with a high degree of confidence, plainly manufacured

Province Kermanshah:
Period
# of votes
Ahmadinejad
Karoubi
Mousavi
Rezai
Mehralizadeh
Rafsanjani
Moin
Larijani
Ghalibaf
Invalid
2005 # of votes
765, 089
70,177
254,780

12,516
137,010
106,104
22,083
115,439
46,390
% of votes

9.1
33.3

1.6
17.9
13.8
9.2
15.1

2009 # of votes
969,812
573,568
10,798
70,177
11,258

13,610
% of votes

58.3
1.1
38
1.1

Table 1: Results of the presidential elections 2005 and 2009 ([19],[20]) in the province Kermanshah in the western Iran. Mr. Ahamdinejad and Mr. Karoubi were candidates in both elections. The table shows a percentage increase of Ahamdinejad votes by a factor of 6.4 and in absolute counts by 503,391 votes and the drop of Karoubi vote counts by a factor 25. In other words, Ahmadinejad must have attracted at least all of the votes for conservatives, plus Rafsanjani plus all new votes due to the higher participation.
Province Lorestan:
Period
# of votes
Ahmadinejad
Karoubi
Mousavi
Rezai
Mehralizadeh
Rafsanjani
Moin
Larijani
Ghalibaf
Invalid
2005 # of votes
816,195
69,710
440,247

6,865
121,130
53,747
31,169
70,225
23,102
% of votes

8.5
53.9

0.8
14.8
6.6
3.8
8.6

2009 # of votes
953,000
677,829
44,036
219,156
14,920

13,610
% of votes

70.2
4.6
22.7
1.5

Table 2: Official results of the presidential elections 2005 and 2009([21],[22]) in the province Lorestan the home province of Karoubi in the west of Iran. Mr. Ahamdinejad and Mr. Karoubi were candidates in both elections. While the number of votes for Karoubi was reduced by a factor of almost 10, the figure in favor of Ahamdinejad was increased by almost the same factor 10. It requires that all new voters, the 2005 voters for conservatives, voters for Rafsanjani and almost 49% of reformer voters must have placed their ballots in the basket of Ahamdinejad.

Province East-Azerbaijan:
Period
# of votes
Ahmadinejad
Karoubi
Mousavi
Rezai
Mehralizadeh
Rafsanjani
Moin
Larijani
Ghalibaf
Invalid
2005 # of votes
1,367,477
198,417
121,969

378,604
268,954
190,211
28,075
122,160
59,078
% of votes

14.5
8.9

27.7
19.7
13.9
2
8.9

2009 # of votes
2,010,340
1,131,111
7,246
837,858
16,920

% of votes

56.3
0.4
41.7
0.8

Table 3: Official results of the presidential elections 2005 and 2009([23],[24]) in the province East-Azerbaijan the home province of Mousavi and Mehralizadeh in the north-west of Iran. This province is the home of ethnic Azari citizens. Here is for illustration of voter’s behavior remarkable that in 2005 the poorly known candidate Mehralizadeh attracted the maximum number of votes. By 2005 he had twice as many votes as Ahmadinejad. The figure in favor of Ahamdinejad increased by a factor 5.7 or 932,694 votes compared with 2005. It means that Ahmadinejad must have attracted the entire voters of conservatives and Rafsanjani plus 80% of new voters. If we take the voting behavior of the citizens of this Azeri province into account it is almost impossible that Mousavi, the renowned son of this province, would get less than Ahamdinejad.

Province West-Azerbaijan:
Period
# of votes
Ahmadinejad
Karoubi
Mousavi
Rezai
Mehralizadeh
Rafsanjani
Moin
Larijani
Ghalibaf
Invalid

2005 # of votes
843,806
75,319
99,766

163,091
151,525
146,941
15,435
141,289

% of votes

8.9
11.8

19.3
17.9
17.4
1.8
16.7

2009 # of votes
1,334,356
623,946
21,609
656,508
12,199

% of votes

46.8
1.6
49.2
0.9

Table 4: Official results of the presidential elections 2005 and 2009([25],[26]) in the province West-Azerbaijan the home province of Mousavi and Mehralizadeh in the north-west of Iran. This province is the home of ethnic Azari and Kurd citizens. Illustrates the This voter’s behavior in this province notable that in 2005 the poorly known candidate Mehralizadeh attracted the maximum number of votes. By 2005 he had 2.2 times more votes as Ahmadinejad. In 2009 the figure in favor of Ahamdinejad increased by 730% or 548,627 votes compared with 2005. It means that Ahmadinejad must have attracted the entire voters of conservatives and Rafsanjani (a rival of Ahmadinejad) plus 34% of new voters. If we take the voting behavior of the citizens of this Azeri province into account it is almost impossible that Mousavi, the renowned son of this province, would get less than Ahamdinejad. How sensitive the polling results are with regard to the ethnic composition of the voters, can be observed in the share of Mehralizadeh, who attracted less votes in west Azerbaijan which has a mixed population of Azari and Kurd origin than the other Azari provinces East-Azerbaijan and Ardebil (19.3%, 27.7%, 22.6%).

Province Ardebil
Period
# of votes
Ahmadinejad
Karoubi
Mousavi
Rezai
Mehralizadeh
Rafsanjani
Moin
Larijani
Ghalibaf
Invalid
2005 # of votes
492,114
34,090
53,906

111,465
95,490
67,134
7,766
106,272

% of votes

6.9
10.9

22.6
19.4
13.6
1.6
21.6

2009 # of votes
642,005
325,911
2,319
302,825
6,578

% of votes

50.8
0.4
17.2
1

Table 5: Official results of the presidential elections 2005 and 2009 ([27],[28]) in the province Ardebil which is ethnically a part of Azerbaijan the home province of Mousavi and Mehralizadeh in the north-west of Iran.Here the results are specifically significant because Ahamdinejad was for 4 years Governor of this province, hence well known. Mehralizadeh was a reformer candidate, who was poorly known and not supported by reformist parties. Nevertheless his ethnic origin was decisive in the attraction of votes. His share of the votes was more than any other candidate, like the former president Rafsanjani, the then head of the Radio and TV Broadcasting Organization Larijani, Ahamdinejad the former Governor and then mayor of Teheran- in the latter case 3.3 times more (111,465 to 34,090). A comparison of the results in favor of Ahmadinejad in 2009 with those in 2005 shows an incredible rise of almost 1000%.
Fig. 1: Distribution of the vote counts for Ahmadinejad and Karoubi in the course of 2005 Presidential election in all provinces of Iran. It suggests that in the rural and periphery area where predominantly the ethnic minorities are living, the share of Karoubi is higher than that of Ahmadinejad. It contradicts the rather homogeneous distribution of the vote counts of Ahmadinejad at high level of 2009 elections.

References
[1] http://www.math.umd.edu/~lotze/

[2] http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/14234_iranelection0609.pdf

[3] http://www.karroubi.ir/manifests/520-2009-06-16-06-35-34.html

[4] http://www.ghalamnews.ir/news-21201.aspx

[5] http://www.rezaee.ir/fa/pages/?cid=8521

[6] http://www.rezaee.ir/fa/pages/?cid=8522

[7] http://www.shora-gc.ir/portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=7d15f645-bf8f-40d4-bbc0-2bd5a3ebaec6

[8] http://www.karroubi.ir/manifests/520-2009-06-16-06-35-34.html

[9] http://www.ghalamnews.ir/news-21201.aspx

[10] Ibid

[11] http://www.moi.ir/portal/Home/ShowPage.aspx?Object=News&CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9&LayoutID=dd8faff4-f71b-4c65-9aef-a1b6d0160be3&ID=14cb7a3e-6165-4f26-9f0e-271f5f9857f0

[12] http://www.ghalamnews.ir/news-21201.aspx

[13] Ibid

[14] http://www.moi.ir/portal/Home/ShowPage.aspx?Object=News&CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9&LayoutID=dd8faff4-f71b-4c65-9aef-a1b6d0160be3&ID=14cb7a3e-6165-4f26-9f0e-271f5f9857f0

[15] http://www.rezaee.ir/fa/pages/?cid=8518

[16] http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/14234_iranelection0609.pdf

[17] http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/i/iran/iran20052.txt

[18] http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/14234_iranelection0609.pdf

[19] http://www.moi.ir/Portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9

[20] http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/i/iran/iran20052.txt

[21] http://www.moi.ir/Portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9

[22] http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/i/iran/iran20052.txt

[23] http://www.moi.ir/Portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9

[24] http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/i/iran/iran20052.txt

[25] http://www.moi.ir/Portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9

[26] http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/i/iran/iran20052.txt

[27] Ibid

[28] http://www.moi.ir/Portal/Home/Default.aspx?CategoryID=832a711b-95fe-4505-8aa3-38f5e17309c9

Reporters Without Borders goes on hunger strike in solidarity with Roxana Saberi

2009-04-28T18:39:00.000-07:00

http://www.rsf.org/print.php3?id_article=30924

Iran 28.04.2009

Reporters Without Borders members began a hunger strike today in support of Iranian-American journalist Roxana Saberi, who has been sentenced to eight years in prison in Iran on a charge of spying for the United States.

Saberi has herself been on hunger strike since 21 April and, according to her father, Reza Saberi, who visited her in Tehran’s Evin prison yesterday, she is “determined and ready to go all the way.” He said she appeared “much weaker” as a result of going without food for a week.

“Roxana has been significantly weakened by these seven days of hunger strike and we are very concerned for her health,” Reporters Without Borders said. “We are therefore symbolically taking over the hunger strike in a gesture of solidarity, so that she no longer has to go on.

Reporters Without Borders activists began their hunger strike at 11 a.m. today in Paris.”

Members of Reporters Without Borders have been stationed outside the Iran Air office at 63, Avenue des Champs Elysées in Paris since 11 a.m. today.

Roxana Saberi needs to know she is not alone, and that she can now take a rest. We will not abandon her.”

Seven journalists and two bloggers are currently imprisoned in Iran, which was ranked 166th out of 173 countries in the 2008 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index.

Timeline of Saberi case

31 January: Roxana Saberi is arrested.

1 March: The US public radio network NPR breaks the news of her arrest (after being alerted by her father on 10 February).

2 March: Foreign ministry spokesman Hassan Ghashghavi says Saberi was working “illegally” in Iran.

3 March: Judiciary spokesman Alireza Jamshidi says she has been “arrested on the order of the Tehran revolutionary court and is being held in Evin prison.”

9 April: Saberi is charged with spying by deputy prosecutor Hassan Zare Dehnavi. This charge is often used by the Iranian authorities to arrest journalists and tighten the muzzle on freedom of expression.

13 April: Saberi is tried in a closed-door hearing on a charge of spying for the United States.

18 April: Saberi is sentenced to eight years in prison.

20 April: Nobel peace laureate Shirin Ebadi announces that she will join the Saberi defence team.

21 April: Saberi begins her hunger strike.

25 April: Her lawyer file an appeal against her conviction.

Concern over Death of Prisoners

2009-04-15T08:52:00.000-07:00

http://www.roozonline.com/english/archives/2009/04/concern_over_death_of_prisoner.html

A Conversation with Shirin Ebadi -

2009.04.15

Rooz: What is the status of the Center’s work today?

Shirin Ebadi (Ebadi): The offices of the Center were sealed shut by government authorities last year but we have repeatedly announced that the work of the Center continues as usual. Two weeks after the closure, we published our regular report on human rights violations in Iran. The Center’s annual human rights report for the year 1387 (2008) too will be published in the next ten days. Through the latter, we list the violations of human rights in Iran to the Iranian people. And like our other reports, this one too is open and will be provided to all the media.
In addition to the report, the Committee to Oversee Free, Fair and Open Elections which is an initiative of the Center, continues its work as well and its reports attest to its outstanding work. The other activities of the Center such as human rights education, and the pro bono defense of political-ideological suspects continue as well. Among the legal suits that the Center was privileged to represent is that of Omidreza Mirsayafi, who unfortunately died because of unknown circumstances a few days after he was sent to prison. The family members of the deceased have protested this issue and the Center represents them in the case.

Rooz: Conflicting reports have been published about Mirsayafi’s health. Did he have any particular illness?

Ebadi: Mirsayafi family members state that they spoke with the prisoner in the morning of March 18th - the say day that he was announced dead - and his health and morale seemed perfectly fine. Since he had no record of any physical or mental illness, it is really not clear what happened between the morning hours and about 3 or 4pm when he was said to have died. We are investigating this case and shall inform the public of our findings. His relatives who went to pick up Omidreza’s body say that they found blood in his ear.

Rooz: What does that mean?

Ebadi: This is something for a physician to conclude. I shall be able to make a definitive statement after concluding our legal investigation. But normally when someone dies of overdose, he does not get blood in his ear. It is claimed that Omidreza took an overdose of some medication which caused his death. But this sounds very strange considering the blood that was observed in his ear by his family members.

Rooz: What is your next step in this case?

Ebadi: Attorneys of the Center who are in charge of the case await the medical report from the coroner’s office. But on a larger point, the suspicious death of Omidreza Mirsayafi has caused deep concern in Iran’s human rights community because the number of such deaths has been on a gradual rise.

Rooz: In your opinion, are these deaths normal?

Ebadi: It has been established that some of these deaths are homicide, not normal. One example is the death of (Iranian-Canadian photo-journalist) Zahra Kazemi which has been established to have been criminal even though the judiciary announced at the last minute that it could not identify the murderer. There are other suspicious cases under investigation such as the death of Dr Zahra Bani Yaghoob which despite repeated visits by me and other attorneys have not produced any results as well. In addition, the judge under whose jurisdiction the case resides refrains from even handing over the victims’ clothes to her family members. The normal practice is that when the body of a person is handed over to the coroner’s office, his clothes and other belongings are surrendered as well. In this particular case the judge claims that there are no clothes to be handed over. In another case involving a Kurdish student named Lotfollahi who also died in prison under suspicious circumstances soon after his arrest, his body was buried without any notice to anybody, including his family members. Only after burial did the authorities inform the members of his family that their son had been buried in a specific cemetery. Such cases require greater investigation. In addition, there are unlawful actions that take place in prisons which must be prevented while the lives of prisoners must be protected according to the law. But these are not taking place. No matter what the circumstances are, such cases must be fully investigated and the responsibility lies with the heads of the judiciary branch of government. One should note that the head of a prison facility is responsible for the life of all prisoners under his jurisdiction. So while a prisoner must leave the prison intact, we see deaths taking place in prisons indicating irresponsibility on behalf of the authorities.

Rooz: What is the legal status of the Center today? Has your complaint against those who have seal-shut it produced any results?

Ebadi: The offices of the Center were sealed-shut on December 20, 2008 by law enforcement agents who claimed to have received such instructions from Tehran’s prosecutor by phone. No such order has been provided to us. We approached the investigator of the case and he too did not produce any such warrant. This shows that those who ordered the closure know that they have abused their authority and committed an unlawful act which is why they are refraining from providing the documents to others, including the managers of the Center. They are in fact violators according to law and we have filed a suit against the official who has ordered the closure, the security deputy of the Revolutionary court under whom the investigator works, and the Tehran prosecutor. We hope that by fairly investigating this case and implementing justice, the judiciary will show that it is truly independent and is after justice.

Rooz: None of the candidates for the presidential election of June 2009 have expressed a concern in the freedom of associations and the improvement of human rights. What is your take on this?

Ebadi: If the candidates have not publicly expressed their views on human rights, then this is very disappointing. But there is still a long way till the actual elections and so their programs may not be finalized yet. But in any case, any person who aspires to get into the Majlis or become the next President in Iran must realize that he will get more votes if he honestly shows his commitment to fulfill the wishes of the people which includes a better life and respect for his dignity, which have been outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

RSF: Roxana Saberi accused of spying, a charge often brought against independent journalists

2009-04-13T08:47:00.000-07:00

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=30812

10 April 2009Roxana Saberi accused of spying, a charge often brought against independent journalists

Reporters Without Borders is very worried by the charge of spying brought against American-Iranian journalist Roxana Saberi yesterday by deputy prosecutor Hassan Zare Dehnavi (better known as Hassan Haddad), who said that “Saberi has admitted the charges against her.”

“The Iranian authorities use and abuse this charge to arrest journalists and tighten the muzzle on free expression,” Reporters Without Borders said, reiterating its call for Saberi’s release.

Saberi’s arrest was revealed by National Public Radio (NPR) in the United States on 1 March as a result of a call it received from her father on 10 February. The day after the NPR report, the Iranian authorities confirmed she was being held in Tehran’s Evin prison. Foreign ministry spokesman Hassan Ghashghavi said she had been working “illegally” in Iran. Judicial authority spokesman Alireza Jamshidi said on 3 March that she had been “arrested on the order of the Tehran revolutionary court and is now in detention in Evin prison.”

Born and brought up in the United States, Saberi has lived for the past six years in Iran, where worked as a stringer for NPR from 2002 to 2006. She also worked for the BBC and Fox News. Her father, Reza Saberi, told Reporters Without Borders that she had not worked for the media since 2006. She did not have access to news and information as she did not have press accreditation.

“Her writings were just personal notes and comments about cultural and literary subjects with a view to writing a book about Iran,” he said, adding that “she had been concentrating since 2006 on studying Farsi and Iranian culture at a Tehran university.”

Ayatollah Khamenei ordered a crackdown on independent newspapers and journalists in 2000 for “collaborating and for being the domestic centre of enemy activity.” Most of the journalists arrested and jailed in Iran are charged with spying. Among the journalists currently held on this charge are Adnan Hassanpour, Mohammad Hassin Falahieh Zadeh and Mohammad Sadegh Kabodvand.

Journalist arrested in the past on this charge include Siamak Pourzand (in 2000), Hossein Ghazian (in 2004), Parnaz Azima (in 2006), Mehrnoushe Solouki (in 2007) and Yosef Azizi Banitrof (in 2008). All were convicted on spying charges brought by Dehnavi and his boss, Tehran chief prosecutor Said Mortazavi. As a result of physical and psychological pressure, most of them confessed to the charges.

Dehnavi, who continues to call himself Hassan Haddad, was one of the torturers in Evin prison in the 1980s. While a judge at the Tehran revolutionary court’s 26th chamber from 2000 to 2005, he sentenced several journalists to long prison terms. He has been Mortazavi’s right-hand man since 2006. It was Mortazavi who was chiefly responsible for Canadian-Iranian press photographer Zahra Kazemi’s death in detention in July 2003.

Campaign for One Million Signatures Honored with an Award for Global Women's Rights by Feminist Majority Foundation

2009-03-26T10:25:00.000-07:00

03/26/09

Source: Feminist School, Tehran

Each year the feminist majority foundation awards prominent women rights activists. Campaign for one million signatures is one of the winners of this year (2009) award. The award is for the demands and activities to end discriminatory laws against women in Iran.

The One Million Signatures Campaign launched by Iranian women's rights activists on August 27, 2006, aims to collect one million signatures in support of a petition addressed to the Iranian Parliament asking for the revision of current laws which discriminate against women. Which should bring about a provision for education on legal issues to the public and especially to women, raise public awareness, promote collaboration between groups demanding equality between men and women.

Some of the winners from previous years are Dr. Sima Samar from Afghanistan ,Yanar Mohammad from Iraq.

Four of the Nobel peace Prize Laureates: Shirin Ebadi (2003) of Iran, Jody Williams (1997) of the United States, Betty Williams (1997) of Northern Ireland, and Rigoberta Menchu Tum (1992) of Guatemala won the prize together in 2006.

last year the prestigious award was given to Mr .Dr. Solomon Orero from Kenya and María Luisa Sánchez Fuentes from Mexico and Dr. Nafis Sadik from Pakistan .

The award inspired in Eleanor Roosevelt's memory for human rights and peace work, which signifies international solidarity and recognition and it does not include a monetary prize.

The Feminist Majority foundation was founded in 1987 by prominent women's rights activist Eleanor Smeal , the Feminist Majority Foundation (FMF) is the nation's largest feminist research and action organization dedicated to women's equality, right for abortion, and against violence. Among the activities of the Feminist Majority Foundation are its advocacy for election of women to public offices and campaigns for pro women's rights legislation. Among legislation that this foundation has successfully helped pass are the Violence Against Women Act, the Family and Medical Leave Act, and a ruling on purchasing of Guns by those who have committed domestic violence. The Feminist Majority Foundation also continues to advocate for ratification of CEDAW and the International Criminal Court.

The Feminist Majority Foundation was one of the five principle organizers of the historical march on April 25 2007 (called "March for Women's Lives"). On this day more than a million men and women marched in Washington DC in support of reproductive rights and criticized some of George Bush's anti-woman policies.

The Feminist Majority Foundation was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for its campaign, chaired by Mavis Leno, to bring the world's attention to the Taliban regime's crimes against women and girls.

Members of the Feminist Majority Foundation have stood in solidarity with the Iranian women's rights activists several times in the past, for example in 2007, when 33 women's rights activists were arrested in front of Tehran Revolutionary Court in Iran, Feminist Majority Foundation held a virtual march in their support where many added their names to the online website demanding the release of the activists.

About "One Million Signatures Demanding Changes to Discriminatory Laws"
Iranian women's rights activists are initiating a wide campaign demanding an end to legal discrimination against women in Iranian law. The Campaign, "One Million Signatures Demanding Changes to Discriminatory Laws," which aims to collect one million signatures to demand changes to discriminatory laws against women, is a follow-up effort to the peaceful protest of the same aim, which took place on June 12, 2006 in Haft-e Tir Square in Tehran. Preparation activities in support of this campaign commenced in June of 2006 and the campaign will be officially launched on August 27, during a seminar entitled: "The Impact of Laws on Women's Lives."

Background Information

Campaign Description: Iranian law considers women to be second class citizens and promotes discrimination against them. It is noteworthy that legal discrimination of this type is being enforced in a society where women comprise over 60% of those being admitted to university. It is generally believed that laws should promote social moderation by being one step ahead of cultural norms. But in Iran the law lags behind cultural norms and women's social position and status.

Without a doubt, women of lower socio-economic status or women from religious and ethic minority groups suffer disproportionately from legal discrimination. These unjust laws have promoted unhealthy and unbalanced relationships between men and women and as a result have had negative consequences on the lives of men too. On the other hand, the Iranian government is a signatory to several international human rights conventions, and accordingly is required to bring its legal code in line with international standards. The most important international human rights standard calls for elimination of discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, etc.

Campaign believes the best way to achieve its aims is to provide training and information to people; hence information in terms of publications on the laws and its negative effect in our lives have been provided. The campaign started with a few volunteers and in a very short time the numbers of volunteers grew, and now we have volunteers in 30 different cities in Iran and something in the region of 10 different countries . more than 40 workshops have been organised in Tehran and more than 30 in different cities The more people's support increases the more the government's repression increases too, 3 month after campaign launch the first arrestee was in Tehran metro during collection of signatures by a young Girl activist, and since then 63 of campaign activists have been arrested and on average 3 times each activist arrested and interrogated. The government uses every opportunity to arrest or threat the activists, their phones are tapped and under the guise of national security campaign members are stopped from gathering together so much so that the activists are not allowed to have a meeting if they are more than 5 to 6 people, the web sites are constantly filtered and have no right to any of the media in the country or to be mentioned by name.

But with all the hardship and limitation caused by the government the campaign continues its struggle and is hopeful in changing the discriminatory laws. Even though in the short time the resolution for equal inheritance has gone to parliament for ratification and also the equality in blood money for murder for women and men. all the campaigners believe that we should move forward with peaceful means and one day we will see equality in all humanity even though it will take a long time.

Read more about the campaign:

http://www.femschool.info/english/spip.php?rubrique3

The Simone de Beauvoir Prize(2009) is Awarded to the Campaign for One Million Signatures Demanding Changes to Discriminatory Laws

Shirin Ebadi shares Roland Berger Human Dignity Award with Reporters Without Borders

2009-03-26T10:24:00.001-07:00

3/26/2009

Reporters Without Borders and Iranian human rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi, a Nobel peace laureate,have been chosen as the winners of this year's Roland Berger Human Dignity Award.

This prize is awarded by the Munich-based Roland Berger Foundation (Roland Berger Stiftung), which was founded in 2008 by Roland Berger, emeritus professor of business administration and management consulting also founder and chairman of Roland Berger Strategy Consultants.
This is the second year the Foundation has awarded this prize, which includes a grant of 1 million euros and which aims to promote "peaceful cooperation in the world" and to encourage individuals and institutions working to promote human dignity and human rights.

This year, the Roland Berger Foundation has decided to award 900,000 euros to Reporters Without Borders to honour its continuing struggle on behalf of press freedom, and 100,000 euros to Shirin Ebadi, who is currently the target of renewed strong pressure aimed at crushing her activities in defence of human rights.

"It is an enormous honour for us to receive this prestigious prize," Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-Francois Julliard said. "It rewards the work of an organisation which, since its creation by Robert Menard nearly 25 years ago, has been defending press freedom wherever it is threatened. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Berger for expressing his confidence in us in this manner. I am also very grateful to all those who work for Reporters Without Borders in France and throughout the world including Germany, where the Roland Berger Foundation is based." Julliard added: "The money that accompanies this award is the most important grant Reporters Without Borders has ever received and will enable us to reinforce our direct support for persecuted journalists and their families and to extend the assistance we offer to independent media struggling to survive in repressive countries."

URI: We welcome Obama’s Nowruz Message

2009-03-23T14:15:00.000-07:00

March 23, 2009

United Republicans of Iran:
We welcome Obama’s Nowruz Message

President Barak Obama’s Nowruz message is a welcoming start toward restoration of diplomatic ties between Iran and the United States. In his message, he emphasized the importance of dialogue based on honesty and mutual respect.

The United Republicans of Iran is well aware of the difficulties accumulated over the years due to lack of relationship, but we believe both sides must show their willingness to talk based on mutual interests.

As expected, Iran’s’ supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei’s responded by demanding action and not words. His response was in no way indicative of their willingness to talk to resolve their differences.

We believe that President Obama’s message is an important step to de-escalate tension and towards re-establishment of ties. We urge the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran to set aside the old rhetoric of the United States’ hidden agenda and to give a clear positive response to its readiness to sit and talk with the United States of America.

It is in Iran’s national interest to have a normal relation with all the members of the United Nations, to end hostilities with the United States and to have a respected position in the communities of nations.

We therefore welcome the president’s message as a right step to end the difficulties of the two countries.

www.iranrepublic.org international@jomhouri.com

Iran: Investigate Death of Political Prisoner

2009-03-20T05:59:00.000-07:00

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/03/19/iran-investigate-death-political-prisoner

Iran: Investigate Death of Political Prisoner

Evidence Points to Medical Neglect, Possible Beatings by Guards

March 19, 2009

(New York) - Iranian authorities should promptly investigate the death of Amir Hossein Heshmat Saran, a 49-year-old prisoner at Gohardasht prison, and provide full disclosure about his medical care while in custody, Human Rights Watch said today. Saran died at the Rajayi Shahr public hospital in Karaj on March 6, 2009, after five years in detention. His is the third known death of a political prisoner at Gohardasht in the last three years.

"The government of Iran needs to conduct an impartial investigation into the suspicious death of Amir Hossein Heshmat Saran," said Joe Stork, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Middle East division. "It should include his relatives in the process, make the results public, and hold accountable anyone found responsible for any mistreatment or medical negligence."

Saran's wife, Elaheh, told Human Rights Watch that on the morning of March 5, one of Saran's four cellmates in Section 2, cell 5 of Gohardasht prison called her, using a prison calling-card telephone, to say that Saran had taken ill the previous night and was taken to the prison health center. When she contacted the prison health center, she was told he had been transferred to nearby Rajayi Shahr Hospital's intensive care unit (ICU). She was able to visit him at the ICU for about 15 minutes. She said that he appeared to be in a coma "with just one eye open," his hands and feet shackled to the ICU bed. The whiteboard above his bed indicated that he was being hospitalized for "neurological illness."

The next morning, March 6, Elaheh Saran again went to the ICU to visit her husband. When she arrived, hospital personnel informed her that he had died. "The medical specialist who treated him told me he had brain hemorrhaging, and a lung infection which had spread throughout his body, that he should have been brought in sooner" she told Human Rights Watch. "They took him there when he was practically dead."

During a visit 10 days prior to his death, his wife said, his body appeared to be swollen, which he again attributed to lack of physical activity. He had fallen into a brief coma previously on February 26. After the first coma, the prison doctor took the unusual step of requiring a signature from Saran himself in order to administer an unidentified medicine in powder form.

Saran's lawyer, Mohammad Reza Faghihi, told Human Rights Watch that he and Saran's family immediately filed an official complaint with Branch 21 of the Karaj Appellate Court calling for an investigation into the suspicious nature of his death.

Authorities arrested Saran in 2004, and the Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced him to 16 years in prison for his political activities, including participation in Iran Students' Day demonstrations, and for setting up a group called the National United Front (jebhe-yeh etehaad-e melli) which advocated for a more democratic Iran.

At the beginning of his detention, Saran wrote extensively about the prison conditions and, with the help of members of the National United Front, distributed this information to Iranian satellite channels in the United States as well as to websites.

Saran's wife said that he and his cellmates, Afshin Baymani, Behrooz Javidtehrani, and Karami Kheyrabadi, who were also political prisoners, had been attacked in prison, once by other prisoners and then "many times" later by prison guards, and had announced on the day before he was taken to the hospital that they would go on a hunger strike to protest bad prison conditions - including sanitary and health issues, lack of physical activity, and lack of proper lighting. "I heard from his friends that they were attacked by 30 prison guards that night in order to prevent them from going on hunger strike," she told Human Rights Watch.

Elaheh Saran told Human Rights Watch that throughout her husband's detention, she had been able to visit him every 15 days for 20 minutes and he never seemed ill until two months ago, when he complained that he had pain in his leg from a lack of physical activity. According to his lawyer, he did have a history of heart problems, though, which, coupled with information his family had received about the assaults he had suffered in prison, had led them to make repeated requests for medical leave for him over the years. Prison officials denied the requests.

Following Saran's death, his family received permission to take possession of his body for burial. They intended to bury him at a cemetery in their home town of Shahriar. At 6:30 a.m. on March 8, an ambulance driver from the mortuary where Saran's body was being held came to the Saran family home and said that the Ministry of Intelligence in Tehran had ordered that the body be moved to another mortuary some distance away.

"Three men from the Ministry of Intelligence later came to our home and told us that they would not give us his body because we made Saran's death too public on the internet and other places," Elaheh Saran told Human Rights Watch. "They said they could either bury him on their own anywhere or we could bury him ourselves, but we must tell all his political friends who have been visiting us not to come to the funeral." Eventually, the Saran family held a private funeral with immediate family members only and buried him in the Sakineh cemetery, where the body had been moved, a 40-minute drive from their hometown.

During Saran's five-year detention, the Ministry of Intelligence and Security repeatedly refused his family's requests for outside medical care, with the exception of a 15-day medical leave in September 2006. During Saran's absence, another political prisoner, Valiollah Faiz-Mahdavi, a former member of the Mojaheddin-e Khalgh organization (MKO) and Saran's cellmate, died after a nine-day hunger strike without medical attention (http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2006/09/06/iran-new-death-political-prisoner-custody ). In October 2008, Abdolreza Rajabi, another political prisoner and former member of the MKO at Gohardasht, died unexpectedly, one day after being transferred from Tehran's Evin prison.

"There is clearly an alarming pattern of political prisoners dying in detention at Gohardasht prison," Stork said. "The Iranian government has an obligation to investigate these deaths and take measures to ensure that prisoners are not mistreated or denied medical attention."

A blogger being held in Evin prison, Omid Reza Mirsayafi, died on March 18 after lack of proper medical treatment, raising additional concerns about the treatment and medical access of political prisoners in Iran.

Under the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, prisoners who require outside medical treatment should be transferred to specialized institutions or to civil hospitals.

Iran: Illegal Detention of Iranian-American Journalist

2009-03-15T04:34:00.000-07:00

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/03/13/iran-illegal-detention-iranian-american-journalist

Iran: Illegal Detention of Iranian-American Journalist

Despite Assurances of Prompt Release, Roxana Saberi Remains in Detention Without Charge

March 13, 2009

(New York) - Iranian officials are unlawfully detaining the Iranian-American journalist Roxana Saberi by holding her without charge, Human Rights Watch said today. Saberi has been in detention without charge since January 30, 2009, in the political prisoners' section of Tehran's Evin prison. Human Rights Watch called on the Iranian authorities to immediately release the journalist they promised to free, or immediately bring her before a judge to review her detention in a public hearing, with the power to order her release.

Saberi, a 31-year-old journalist whose work was broadcast for networks including NPR, BBC, and FOX, was the Tehran bureau chief for Feature Story News (FSN) when she was detained in January. Her father, Reza Saberi, says that authorities alleged that she had purchased wine, against the law in Iran, a year ago. However, after six weeks of detention, she has not been charged with any crime.

"The constitution of Iran guarantees free speech, yet the government continues to detain journalists without charge for doing their jobs," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "In fact, Iran continues to be one of the biggest jailers of journalists worldwide."

Saberi, a dual Iranian-American citizen whose father is Iranian and mother is Japanese, has lived in Iran for the past six years. Her family said she was also pursuing a master's degree at the University of Public Relations (daneshkadehyeh ravabeteh omoomi), an English-language university in Tehran. She is the latest in a series of people with dual American and Iranian citizenship detained while visiting or working in Iran.

Iran is violating its own laws and international laws to which it is a signatory by detaining Saberi without charge, and - until the case received international attention - without access to a lawyer or her family, Human Rights Watch said.

Saberi was in daily contact with her family in Fargo, North Dakota, until an email and phone call on January 31 went unanswered. On February 10, her father said, Saberi called her parents at about 3 a.m. Fargo time, speaking "under stress and tense" for less than two minutes. She told him, in English, that Iranian authorities had detained her for purchasing alcohol, then abruptly hung up. She then called back two minutes later and pleaded with her parents not to take any action because prison officials had told her they would release her in a few days.

"Then we waited to see if we would hear anything, and we didn't," her father told Human Rights Watch. "At the end of February, we decided that we had waited enough, so we talked to NPR and from then it became public."

On March 3, Ali Reza Jamshidi, a spokesperson for Iran's Judiciary, confirmed Saberi's detention, stating that, "The arrest took place on a writ issued by the Revolutionary Court." Jamshidi further stated that authorities had detained Saberi because of her unspecified "illegal activities" and would release her within a few days, but she remains in detention. The Saberi family then contacted a lawyer, Samad Khorramshahi, who agreed to represent her.
Khorramshahi had his first opportunity to meet Saberi on March 8, over six weeks after her arrest, at a visit arranged at a courthouse in Tehran. Reza Saberi said the lawyer reported that his daughter "appeared depressed" but was heartened to discover that her family was making efforts toward her release and that her situation had received international attention. On March 10, another visit was arranged for Khorramshahi, this time at Evin prison itself. Her father said that was the first time that the lawyer had concrete confirmation that they were indeed holding Saberi in Section 209, the political prisoners' section. It appeared to the lawyer that she was being held in a cell with several other female political prisoners.

In the early hours of March 9, prison officials allowed Saberi her second brief supervised call to her family in North Dakota. Saberi stated that her situation was "psychologically challenging" but that physically she was fine, Reza Saberi told Human Rights Watch.

On March 10, representatives from the BBC, FOX, NPR, the Wall Street Journal, and FSN wrote a letter on Saberi's behalf, urging that Iran provide access to Saberi.

The Iranian code of criminal procedure requires the government to inform individuals of the charges against them within 24 hours of their arrest and to provide access to a lawyer. Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Iran ratified in 1975, says that no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest and detention. It goes on to require that anyone arrested shall be informed "promptly" of any charges against them, and shall be brought promptly before a judge. Anyone unlawfully arrested or detained should have an enforceable right to compensation.

Saberi's case is one of several over the past few years involving Iranian-American dual nationals. In 2007, security forces detained three scholars with dual citizenship for months before freeing them. The detentions are part of a broad crackdown against journalists, writers, scholars and activists by Iranian intelligence officials based in the country's Information Ministry. The government also has increasingly brought security charges based merely on an individual's connections to foreign institutions, persons, or sources of funding, alleging that they undermine national security.

Human Rights Watch has documented extensive patterns of forced confessions, arbitrary detentions, and prison torture against opposition journalists, political activists, and anyone perceived as a critic

(http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/01/06/you-can-detain-anyone-anything-0 ).

Union movement urges intervention over escalating repression in Iran

2009-03-13T14:37:00.000-07:00

http://www.itfglobal.org/news-online/index.cfm/newsdetail/3114

12 March 2009

The global trade union movement is pressing the International Labour Organization (ILO) for action in response to a growing tide of oppression against trade unionists in Iran.

Representatives of the ITF, Education International, the International Union of Food Workers and the International Trade Union Confederation made the appeal in a letter to the ILO’s director-general, Juan Somavia, on 9 March. In it they expressed concern over “an escalating pattern of arrests and intimidation of trade unionists in Iran”. They had “reason to fear for the physical and the psychological wellbeing and even the lives of the latest victims of state repression.” That was why they believed the ILO’s intervention was necessary.

The group referred to the latest wave of repression against the Haft Tapeh union, which represents some 5000 sugar cane plantation workers. Five of the union’s elected members had been charged with acting against national security following a strike over unpaid wages and were awaiting a verdict. Three others including the union’s president, Ali Nejati, had also been arrested. All except Nejati had been released.

The unionists also highlighted how teacher, Farzad Kamangar, currently in Evin Prison had received the death penalty and expressed alarm over reports that two executive board members of the Tehran bus workers’ union, the Vahed Syndicate, had last month been summoned by the secret police. They reminded Somavia that the union’s president, Mansour Osanloo and vice-president Ebrahim Madadi were both still in prison.

New incidences of harassment of other labour and human rights activists were regularly being reported, they said.

They urged the ILO to intervene to secure the release of Ali Nejati, Mansour Osanloo, Ebrahim Madadi and others. They also asked the organization to impress on the Iranian authorities that Kamangar’s case should be revisited and that any plans for an execution should be called off. It should, in addition, demand that charges against the Haft Tapeh workers be dropped and full legal guarantees ensured.

Verdict of the International Criminal Court must be respected

2009-03-11T07:11:00.000-07:00

March 10, 2009

United Republicans of Iran

Verdict of the International Criminal Court must be respected.

Arrest Warrant of Al Bashir is a step to end genocide in Darfur

Following the arrest warrant issued by the international Criminal Court against the president of Sudan, Omar Al Bashir, charging him for crime against humanity and genocide of the people of Darfur, Islamic Republic of Iran was among those nations objecting this verdict and dispatched the speaker of Majlis to Sudan to convey in person its opposition.

International Criminal Court, an independent international court was formed to bring to justice those committing mass killings and war hence violating international legal laws. Omar Al Bashir, the President of Sudan, is charged with ordering the mass killing of innocent people of Darfur and its government not only has not arrested or prosecuted those committing these crimes, but rather they have been appointed to different ministerial positions.

According to reports by various credible human rights organizations, violation of human rights in Darfur is beyond denial. So far, hundreds of thousands of residents of this region have been brutally murdered by armed groups supported by the government and millions more have become homeless and living in difficult conditions in various refugee camps. All attempts by international community to end the suffrage of these people have been blocked by the government of Sudan aided by china and dictator governments that are members of African Union.

The arrest warrant of Al Bashir is an attempt to end and to bring to public attention this tragedy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, by openly declaring its opposition to such verdict has disregarded its own signature to the documents that formed the International court at the Hague. The question is why the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran support the genocide in Darfur? For what reason they openly support and back someone accused of war crime? What interest lies behind this move?

The United Republicans of Iran support the decision by the International Criminal Court to issue the arrest warrant of Mr. Al Bashir and believes such crimes against humanity by anyone in any capacity and position in any country must be condemned and anyone committing such crimes must be brought to justice in a court of law.

Members of the United Nations must adhere to the international organizations and assist in enforcing its orders.

www.iranrepublic.org international@jomhouri.com

Call for release of the US-Iranian journalist Roxana Saberi

2009-03-05T01:57:00.000-08:00

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=30475

4 March 2009

Reporters Without Borders is very worried about the detention of Roxana Saberi, a journalist with American and Iranian dual citizenship. The date of her arrest and exactly where she is being held are not yet known.

“Saberi’s arrest is a violation of both Iranian law and international legal standards,” Reporters Without Borders said. “Her lawyers must be told the reasons for her detention and must be allowed to visit her. We urge the Iranian authorities to say what charges have been brought against her and to release her pending an investigation, as laid down in the law.”

Saberi’s arrest was revealed by National Public Radio (NPR) in the United States on 1 March as a result of a call it received from her father on 10 February. The day after the NPR report, the Iranian authorities confirmed she was being held in Tehran’s Evin prison but did not say what she was charged with, although foreign ministry spokesman Hassan Ghashghavi said she had been working “illegally” in Iran.

Judicial authority spokesman Alireza Jamshidi said at a press conference yesterday that she had been “arrested on the order of the Tehran revolutionary court and is now in detention in Evin prison,” adding that he did not know in which section of the prison she was located.
Born and brought up in the United States, Saberi has lived for the past six years in Iran, where worked as a stringer for NPR from 2002 to 2006. She also worked for the BBC and Fox News.
Her father, Reza Saberi, told Reporters Without Borders that she has not worked for the media since 2006. She did not have access to news and information as she did not have press accreditation. “Her writings were just personal notes and comments about cultural and literary subjects with a view to writing a book about Iran,” he said, adding that “she had been concentrating since 2006 on studying Farsi and Iranian culture at a Tehran university.”

It is very common in Iran for journalists and bloggers to be arrested arbitrarily and held in unknown locations. Blogger Hossein Derakhshan, for example, has been held in an unknown location since 1 November. His arrest was confirmed by Jamshidi, the judicial authority spokesman on 30 December, after it had already been reported in the media. At his press conference yesterday, Jamshidi said he had “no precise information on the subject of Hossein Derakhshan.”

Several Iranian journalists working for international news media have been interrogated by intelligence ministry agents since December and held in unknown locations. They have been accused of spying and working illegally despite having accreditation. Several of them reported being physically mistreated during interrogation. They and their families are constantly harassed.

Amnesty International new Nowruz Action

2009-03-03T10:01:00.000-08:00

Dear Friends:

This year, for the first time, Amnesty International USA is doing a Nowruz Action. We are encouraging people to send Nowruz greetings to two prisoners of conscience in Iran, Mansour Ossanlu and Mohammad Sadiq Kabudvand. Both are in poor health and both are serving prison sentences for their peaceful human rights activism. The action is attached and is also on the Iran page of the AIUSA web site. Please also see the posting on the persecution of women activists in Iran--including Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi--on the Amnesty International USA blog. Please leave your comments and suggestions if you wish. The site is at:
http://blog.amnestyusa.org/ Thank you.

Best wishes,
Elise Auerbach
Amnesty International USA Iran country specialist
===========================================
Nowruz Action
کارزار نوروز

The Persian holiday Nowruz نوروز (“new day”) is an ancient holiday celebrated on the first day of spring to welcome in the new year. On this Nowruz we want to remember two courageous prisoners of conscience in Iran with Nowruz greetings. We ask you to send cards with simple Nowruz greetings such as “Nowruz mobarak” نوروز مبارک

You can say “thinking of you at Nowruz time” or “hoping you are well.” You may send a greeting in either English or Farsi (Persian) but please do not mention Amnesty International or specifics of the recipient’s case. Please also refrain from mentioning the political situation, human rights or U.S.-Iran relations. We suggest sending cards with pictures of landscapes, spring flowers or the like, in keeping with the spirit of the holiday and the message of hope and renewal. Please do not choose cards that have pictures of people unless they are very conservatively dressed, and please do not use cards that depict bottles of wine or other alcoholic beverages.

These two prisoners of conscience have been identified by Amnesty International as “individuals at risk” and are therefore targeted for intensified campaigning. Both have been sentenced to long prison terms for their peaceful activism and both are in poor health.

Mansour Ossanlu is the leader of the Union of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Syndica Sherkat-e Vahed). He is currently serving a five-year prison sentence for “acts against national security.” The charges stem from his peaceful work to obtain better conditions for workers in Iran and to end discriminatory laws and practices that curtail workers’ rights in Iran. He had been arrested and detained several times and severely beaten in custody.

He had originally been held in Tehran’s Evin Prison but in August 2008 he was transferred to Rajaei prison in the city of Karaj which houses criminals convicted of violent crimes. Rajaei prison is far from his wife and family who have not been able to visit him very often.

He has suffered from serious medical problems, including retinal damage resulting from beatings he received during a previous detention. Although he was permitted to undergo emergency eye surgery in October 2007, his health condition is still a concern. He has not been allowed to receive the medical care he needs. Amnesty International considers him a prisoner of conscience who is being detained on vaguely worded charges in order to halt his efforts to build strong trades unions capable of defending the human rights of workers.

You can send a greeting for Mansour Ossanlu to his wife Parvaneh at:

Iran, Tehran
Golbarg-e Gharbi
(Janbazan-e Gharbi)
Taqate’ Maseyl-e Bakhtar
Sar-e Koucheh Shahid Ali Akbar Amiri
Plak 343, Tabaqe avval
Khaneye Ossanlu

Or:
Mansour Ossanlu
First floor, Number 343
Shahid Ali Akbar Amiri Alley
Western Water Barrier Crossroads (or: Maseyl-e Bakhtar Crossroads)
(Janbazan West)
Golbarg West, Tehran, Iran

In Persian:
گلبرگ غربی(جانبازان غربی)تقاطع مسیل باخترسر کوچه شهید علی اکبر امیریپلاک 343طبقه اول

====================

Mohammad Sadiq Kabudvand, an Iranian Kurdish journalist and founder and Chair of the Human Rights Organization of Kurdistan (HROK), has been detained in Section 209 of Evin Prison since his arrest on 1 July 2007. In May 2008 he was sentenced to 11 years' imprisonment by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran. He was accused of “acting against state security,” “propaganda against the system,” and “cooperating with groups opposed to the system.” Amnesty International is concerned that he is being held solely for the peaceful expression of his ideas.

Until 2004, he was the editor of a weekly newspaper Payam-e Mardom-e Kordestan, which carried articles promoting the cultural, social and political rights of Iran's Kurdish minority. Payam-e Mardom-e Kordestan was issued with a three-year ban by Iran’s judiciary on 27 June 2004 for “disseminating separatist ideas and publishing false reports” and has not re-opened since. He was arrested on the day the publication ban on his newspaper expired.

Mohammad Sadiq Kabudvand has suffered from poor health and medical neglect since his detention. He apparently suffered a heart attack on 17 December 2008 and was not provided with adequate treatment. In May 2008, he collapsed in prison and was unconscious for about 30 minutes.

You can send a greeting to Mohammad Sadiq Kabudvand at:

Khanume Parnaz Hassani
Tehran- Khiyaban e Roudaki, Koocheh Khajou
Fariee Naiem, Pelak e 42,
Tabaghe dovom, Tehran 1346754485
Iran

Iran's New Internet Attacks on Dissenters

2009-03-01T09:35:00.000-08:00

http://www.worldpress.org/Mideast/3310.cfm

A committee drawn from the Ministry of Intelligence, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting, the High Council of Cultural Revolution, and the ministries of Communication, and Islamic Guidance and Culture are responsible for the filtering and banning activity.

Reportedly, more than 5 million sites have been banned in Iran, including political, entertainment, scientific, adult, photography, sharing, and social networking venues.
The filtering has also affected some religious Shiite sites, based on some Fatwa content featuring Islamic guidance on sex and marriage. The committee's software is able to seek these words out, send the sites to a blacklist, and filter/ban them. Ironically, and on a slightly humorous note, the very same filtering system also banned content from some highly respected Ayatollahs who then cried, "Why have you filtered my Web site?"

However, since last month something has definitely changed. Some of the most popular social networking sites such as Facebook and Youtube, among others, are now slightly accessible, but not without severe repercussions for their use.

At the same time, a new and virulent wave of Internet attacks against many journalists and activists inside and outside of Iran has begun to emerge.

Last week, by chance, I noticed there is another Omid Habibinia on Facebook who has not only added my close friends and colleagues, but also my little sister. Strangely, the fake ID holder added a Swiss girl who I have spoken with and has contacted her several times to know if she can play in a docudrama about a Swiss girl who has an online friend from Iran.

I am also aware that fake ID holders have contacted other friends and asked some "strange questions."

Facebook makes an ideal platform for intelligence agents in Iran to infiltrate social networks, where they can hack information, locate events, addresses and monitor their subjects.

I have learned that my Gmail account has previously been accessed without my permission, and the persons responsible knew every contact, place and idea that I shared with others, including the re-launch of a well-known Web site that was put online about five years ago called Freedom of Expression (Azadi e Bayan). It was the first site to support Ahamad Batebi, who was kidnapped during his leave from jail after his meeting in Tehran with Ambeyi Ligabo, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights' special rapporteur on freedom of expression in November 2003. The site also supported all journalists, artists, intellectuals and bloggers who were facing danger within the Islamic Republic.

Another kind of attack was recently perpetrated by "special hackers" against Balatarin, the Persian version of Digg.com.

The hackers stole the owners' IDs of this popular site, including a well-known news source in Iran. The information gleaned was used to try and hack into their bank accounts. At the same time, Balatarin was ordered to reformat their servers, making it more difficult to discover the identities of the hackers. This Web site draws more than 250,000 pageviews per day and is used as a source for following news, even among journalists.

During recent weeks, many Iranian journalists and prominent bloggers have claimed that their IDs were closed by Facebook, due to being reported for insulting or even pornographic content.
The same trick has also been used on other bloggers. Some, who use providers outside of Iran, are reported on by agents and requests are made to the blog providers for closure or to have a warning sign placed before a visitor can access the content. The complaint is that these blogs are an insult to religion or pornographically offensive. I know some bloggers who only post their usual poems on their blogs, which most of the time are neither blasphemies or erotic, but have still incurred an online warning message.

The same thing is happening on Youtube. Many demonstrations and protests in Iran are captured by mobile phones and shared on the video-sharing site. However, some of the videos have been removed because of the pressure placed on Youtube through the report of supposed insults. Some gaffs by Iranian leaders or by TV presenters are also sometimes removed by Youtube. It is clear when in a two-day period, 200 reports are received asking for the removal of certain videos, that site administrators might follow suit.

However, it seems obvious that most of these e-mails and reports came from a specific place in Tehran.

Non-conformist Iranian bloggers are now facing a new form tyranny from information and intelligence insiders on the Internet. It is hard to know who is who. I am not sure if Shirin is the Shirin who was a former colleague on TV, or if she is a fake. The strange thing is when I message her on Facebook I get the wrong answer or no answer. I always ask some personal questions about a given person's past to ascertain their true identity, but who knows if the hackers have access to background details and can correctly answer the questions?

In less than six months there is going to be another round of elections in Iran and it seems that this coordinated attack on journalists, bloggers and activists is being facilitated through Internet communication. It appears that the ultimate goals are to silence, threaten and send signals of monitoring and stolen information to infiltrate networks. Those in question have learned that they can use Facebook and Youtube for their propaganda as well.

While many concerned individuals with Facebook accounts are sifting through their newly-added friends list to find suspicious ones, the hidden war of censorship and anti-censorship continues inside Iran.

Iran: Release Students Detained for Peaceful Protests

2009-03-01T09:30:00.000-08:00

Source: Human Rights Watch

Renewed Crackdown on Campus Activism(New York, February 28, 2009) – Iranian authorities should promptly free 10 students arrested in February 2009 in connection with peaceful campus demonstrations and detained without charge in Tehran's Evin prison, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities have denied the students access to lawyers and family.

Two of those still being held were among 70 students detained on February 23 during a sit-in at Tehran's Amir Kabir University. Four other students from the university who were not at the demonstration were taken from their homes the next morning, February 24, and remain in custody. Four others who participated in a memorial ceremony for the Islamic Republic's first prime minister, Mehdi Bazargan, on February 5 also were detained. Both campus events were peaceful, although on February 23 an assault by plainclothes pro-government militia led to clashes.

"Peaceful protest is not a criminal offense," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "Iranian authorities should release these students without delay."

The February 23 sit-in was protesting an initiative by two pro-government militias, Ansar-e Hezbollah and the Basij, to re-bury the remains of five "unknown [gomnam] martyrs" on campus grounds; 3,000 students had signed a petition protesting the burials. Students contend that the militias are promoting the on-campus burials of soldiers and others who died in the 1980-1988 war with Iraq to justify their increased presence on campuses nationwide. Members of the militia make regular visits to such burial sites to pay homage.

The student detentions are the latest escalation in a three-year battle against campus burials nationwide. The crackdowns come amid heightened government interest in quelling activism ahead of the next presidential elections in June.

At the February 23 event, using nunchucks (sticks connected by chain), knives, pepper spray, and batons, plainclothes Ansar and Basij forces assaulted approximately 600 students sitting in at the proposed burial site to prevent the burials from taking place, according to the Amir Kabir University student news website. It said 60 students were wounded, 20 of whom were hospitalized. The government, which routinely denies university unrest, has not issued any statements regarding the incident. A student leader told Human Rights Watch that two students remain in the hospital in critical condition.

According to students with whom Human Rights Watch spoke and the Amir Kabir student website, militia forces accompanied some of the wounded students to the hospital and interrogated them as they were being treated. Other students were detained on campus and taken to the nearby Police Station #107 at Palestine Square. Authorities eventually transferred 21 of the students to Evin prison section 240, a section reserved for political prisoners. Two remain in detention, but their names have not been released.

At 7 a.m. on February 24, security forces claiming to be officials from the Tehran mayor's office raided the homes of Nariman Mostafavi, Abbas Hakimzadeh, Mehdi Mashayekhi, and Ahmad Ghasaban, all Amir Kabir students. All four belong to the Islamic Student Organization (Anjoman-e Islami-yeh Daneshjooyan) or its umbrella group, the National Organization for Unity (Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat), the groups that organized the sit-in.

"My clients and the other defendants have not had access to their lawyers even though this is the law of our land, that a defendant has this right," their lawyer, Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, told Human Rights Watch. "We still don't even know the charges against these young people, even though we should within 24 hours of arrest."

Security forces had arrested students from both of these student organizations at the public ceremony in Tehran commemorating Bazargan. The Amir Kabir news site and students who spoke with Human Rights Watch said that the arrest of these four student leaders, Hossein Torkashvand, Majid Tavakoli, Korosh Daneshyar, and Esmail Salmanpour, was meant as a warning following increased tensions between government forces and students who had become aware of the February 23 burial plans. Government postings on campus warned students not to protest the burials.

Although the students who remain in detention have not been charged or allowed to see their families, friends and Dadkhah, the lawyer for some of the students, told Human Rights Watch that they believe that all of them are in solitary confinement in Section 209 of Evin prison. Human Rights Watch has previously documented the harsh interrogation in this wing of Evin prison.

Iranian Human Rights Leader Shirin Ebadi in Danger

2009-02-25T17:55:00.000-08:00

www.cpdweb.org

Dear Friend,

We are writing to invite you to sign the open letter below from American peace activists in defense of Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian 2003 Nobel Peace Laureate and defender of women's rights and human rights for all. Your support can make a difference.

We believe that peace and democratic rights are deeply intertwined, and we defend freedom of expression whether or not we agree with the views being expressed. As peace activists, however, we are particularly concerned about the persecution of Shirin Ebadi, who has on many occasions repeated her opposition to the use of or threat to use U.S. military force against Iran. For example, on February 4, 2009 Ebadi was interviewed by Amy Goodman on her Democracy Now! television program. Goodman asked, "If the United States were to attack Iran, and when you look at the repression that you and others have suffered, would that help the democratic movement in Iran?" Ebadi replied firmly, [translated] "A military attack on Iran or even a threat of a military attack on Iran will deteriorate the situation of human rights and women's rights, because it gives an excuse to the government to repress them more and more often."

If Shirin Ebadi has no security inside Iran, then all peaceful civil society activists are at great risk. Indeed, the recent attacks on Ebadi take place against a background of stepped-up government repression. Trade union leaders, including Mansour Osanloo and Ebrahim Maddadi, are currently in prison; two women labor activists, Sussan Razani and Shiva Kheirabadi, were flogged on February 18, 2009 because of their participation in a May Day celebration. Women's rights defenders, including those involved in the "One Million Signatures Campaign" have been unfairly prosecuted and sentenced. Privacy and personal dignity are under siege. People who defy patriarchal codes prescribing how men and women should behave, and people who are suspected of homosexual conduct, have been routinely victimized, often violently. Students, including most recently students from Amir Kabir University in Tehran, have been persecuted and brutally attacked. Mothers for Peace protesting the war in Gaza were attacked by plain clothes security agents on January 11 of this year.

These developments strengthen warmongering voices on both sides and thus threaten to set back the peace movement opposing military action against Iran.

Initial signers include Ervand Abrahamian, Janet Afary, Medea Benjamin, Noam Chomsky, Ariel Dorfman, Martin Duberman, Carolyn Eisenberg, Daniel Ellsberg, John Feffer, Arun Gupta, Adam Hochschild, Doug Ireland, Kathy Kelly, Assaf Kfoury, Naomi Klein, Jesse Lemisch, Kevin Martin, Scott McLemee, David McReynolds, Charlotte Phillips MD, Katha Pollitt, Danny Postel, Matthew Rothschild, Stephen Shalom, Alice Slater, David Swanson, and Chris Toensing. (a more complete list of initial signers is at the end of the letter.)

If you would like to add your name or make a tax-deductible donation to publicize the following statement, please go to our website www.cpdweb.org -- if for any reason you have difficulty at the website, just send us an email at cpd@igc.org. And please circulate the statement to your colleagues and friends.

Sincerely,
Joanne Landy Tom Harrison
Co-Directors, Campaign for Peace and Democracy

HERE IS THE LETTER:

IRANIAN HUMAN RIGHTS LEADER SHIRIN EBADI IN DANGER
Peace Activists Call on Teheran to Ensure Her Safety
To:
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
Ayatollah Shahrudi, Head of the Judiciary
Mohammad Khazaee, Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations
Islamic Republic of Iran

We are writing to protest in the strongest terms the threats that have been mounted against Shirin Ebadi, co-founder of the Defenders of Human Rights Center and the Organization for the Defense of Mine Victims. Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel Peace Laureate, has spoken out vigorously and repeatedly for women's rights and human rights for all in her own country. She has also been a vocal and effective advocate for peace and against military attacks on Iran in international forums.

Ebadi today is in considerable danger. On December 21, 2008, officials prevented a planned celebration of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and forced the closure of the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC), which Ebadi helped found. The Center provides legal defense for victims of human rights abuses in Iran. The group had invited nearly 300 human rights defenders and supporters to the private celebration. A few hours before the start of the program, members of state security forces, and plainclothes agents entered the DHRC building. They filmed the premises, made an inventory, and forced the center's members to leave before putting locks on all entrances.

On December 29 officials identifying themselves as tax inspectors arrived at Ebadi's private law office in Tehran and removed documents and computers, despite her protests that the materials contained protected lawyer-client information.

Ebadi's former secretary has been arrested, and on January 1, 2009 a mob of 150 people gathered outside her home, chanting slogans against her. They tore down the sign to her law office, which is in the same building, and marked the building with graffiti. The police, who have been quick to close down unauthorized peaceful demonstrations, did nothing to stop the vandalism.

In similar cases, Iranian authorities frequently have followed office raids and other harassment with arbitrary arrests and detention, often leading to prosecutions on dubious charges

As peace activists, we have a special concern for Shirin Ebadi. Ebadi has spoken out, as we have, against any U.S. military attack on Iran. In 2005, Ebadi wrote, "American policy toward the Middle East, and Iran in particular, is often couched in the language of promoting human rights. No one would deny the importance of that goal. But for human rights defenders in Iran, the possibility of a foreign military attack on their country represents an utter disaster for their cause." ("The Human Rights Case Against Attacking Iran" by Shirin Ebadi and Hadi Ghaemi, The New York Times, Feb 8, 2005).

We oppose any military attack on Iran by the United States or any other nation. We reject too the hypocrisy of the U.S. government when it protests repression in Iran while turning a blind eye to or actively abetting comparable or worse repression in countries with which it is allied like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, or Israel in the Occupied Territories. And we condemn as well Washington's double standard in criticizing Iranian repression while itself engaging in torture and undermining civil liberties at home. But that in no way deters us from protesting in the strongest terms the denial of basic democratic rights to the people of Iran. We protest because we believe in these rights, and also because we see social justice activists in Iran and all countries as our natural allies in building a peaceful, democratic world.

We call on you to cease and desist from the threats to Shirin Ebadi, to move immediately to prevent any further harassment, and to ensure Shirin Ebadi's safety and security.

SIGNED
INITIAL SIGNERS
Ervand Abrahamian, Janet Afary, Michael Albert, Kevin B. Anderson, Bettina Aptheker, David Barsamian, Rosalyn Baxandall, Medea Benjamin, Michael Bérubé, Norman Birnbaum, Eileen Boris, Roane Carey, Joshua Cohen, Noam Chomsky, Gail Daneker, Manuela Dobos, Ariel Dorfman, Martin Duberman, Carolyn Eisenberg, Jethro Eisenstein, Zillah Eisenstein, Daniel Ellsberg, Jodie Evans, Gertrude Ezorsky, Samuel Farber, John Feffer, Barry Finger, Joseph Gerson, Jill Godmilow, Arun Gupta, Thomas Harrison, Nader Hashemi, Adam Hochschild, Nancy Holmstrom, Doug Ireland, Melissa Jameson, Jan Kavan, Nikki Keddie, Leslie Kielson, Ian Keith, Kathy Kelly, Assaf Kfoury, Naomi Klein, Dan La Botz, Joanne Landy, Jesse Lemisch, Sue Leonard, Mohammed Mamdani, Betty Mandell, Marvin Mandell, Kevin Martin, Scott McLemee, David McReynolds, Ali Moazzami, Claire G. Moses, Molly Nolan, David Oakford, Bertell Ollman, Christopher Phelps, Charlotte Phillips MD, Katha Pollitt, Danny Postel, Dennis Redmond, Sonia Jaffe Robbins, Matthew Rothschild, Jason Schulman, Stephen Shalom, Adam Shatz, Alice Slater, Stephen Soldz, Stephen Steinberg, David Swanson, Chris Toensing, David Vine, Lois Weiner, Naomi Weisstein, Reginald Wilson, Kent Worcester, Stephen Zunes

* * * * * * * *
Please go to the CPD website at www.cpdweb.org to add your name, donate, or see the evolving full list of signers.

THE CAMPAIGN FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACY (CPD) advocates a new, progressive and non-militaristic U.S. foreign policy -- one that encourages democratization, justice and social change.

Campaign for Peace and Democracy
2790 Broadway, #12New York, New York 10025

URI: Violation of the rights of the Baha’i citizens is shameful

2009-02-19T12:55:00.000-08:00

February 19, 2009

United Republicans of Iran
Violation of the rights of the Baha’i citizens is shameful

Call for an immediate release of the leaders of the Baha’i community in Iran

Nearly 9 months after the arrest of the 7 leaders of the Baha’i community in Iran and following the “guilty verdict” on espionage issued by Security Prosecutor of Tehran and even before a court of justice could review the accusations, the Prosecutor General of Iran in a letter to the Ministry of Intelligence, declared the activities of the leadership illegal and banned. The prosecutor general also stated: ”that the activities of Baha’i organization in all aspect are illegal since their connection to Israel and opposition to Islam and Islamic nation and danger to national security is obvious. It is imperative that any further activities by any such groups be dealt with.”

Head of the Ministry of Intelligence, Mr. Dori Najaf Abadi, while pointing to the 20th and 23rd articles of the Constitution which stipulates the rights of the citizens and freedom of belief and speech, he himself violated these very same articles accusing them for their belief in another religion, and “tampering with minds of others and agitation.“

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, arrest and intimidation of the Bahai’s have always existed. But this is the first time that the government has openly and officially declared any religious activities by the followers of the Baha’i faith illegal and “equal to opposition to Islam and Islamic government” and for the benefit of the State of Israel.

The Islamic Republic of Iran in the last year has arrested numerous Bahai’s throughout the country. According to published reports by Human Rights organizations, currently there are over 30 who are in prison. Among them are the 7 leaders of the Baha’i Community, Mrs. Fariba Kamalabadi, Mr. Jamaloddin Khanjani, Mr. Afif Naemi, Mr. Saeid Rezaie, Ms. Mahvash Sabet, Mr. Behrouz Tavakkoli and Mr. Vahid Tizfahm who were arrested last year. With the exception of Ms. Sabeh who was arrested in Mashhad on March 5, 2008 the rest were arrested in Tehran on 14th of May.

The new cycle of arrest, torture and trial of the Bahai’s under the pretext of espionage, indicates the escalation of intimidation against the believers of this faith.

False accusation of espionage for Israel is solely based on the ground that their religious center is located there and it’s a pretext to conjure up inhumane and discriminatory policies against them.

United Republicans of Iran, which has consistently defended the rights of the Baha’i community in Iran, once again calls for their immediate release and to end the systematic pressure and restrictions against them and reprieve the official orders of the prosecutor general and to accept their right to follow their beliefs.

The United Republicans of Iran, demand for the immediate elimination of any discrimination imposed on our compatriots based on gender, religion, ethnicity, race and creed.

www.iranrepublic.org

international@jomhouri.com

European Union expresses "deep concern" over seven Baha'i prisoners

2009-02-19T12:54:00.000-08:00

Source: Baha'i World News Service

GENEVA — The European Union yesterday issued a statement expressing its "deep concern" over Iran's plans to bring seven imprisoned Baha'i leaders to trial for espionage and other charges soon. The Baha'i International Community has called for their immediate release, maintaining their innocence and characterizing the regime's claims as an "escalation of its systematic crackdown on the Baha'is."

The EU statement coincided with increasingly sharp anti-Baha'i rhetoric from Iranian officials, who said a trial for the seven might come within a week.

The seven Baha'i leaders have been imprisoned in Tehran for more than eight months, during which no formal evidence has been brought against them and they have not been given access to their legal counsel, Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi. Another 30 Baha'is are imprisoned in Iran, while 80 other prisoners have been released on collateral.

The European Union said it was concerned that, "after being held for so long without due process, the Baha'i leaders may not receive a fair trial.

"The EU therefore requests the Islamic Republic of Iran to allow independent observation of the judicial proceedings and to reconsider the charges brought against these individuals."
The document was endorsed by the entire 27-nation membership of the EU, along with Turkey, Croatia, Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, Ukraine, and Moldova.

Separately, in Brazil yesterday, the president of the Human Rights Commission of the Federal Chamber of Deputies sent an open letter to Iran, asking for the release of the Baha´i prisoners.
"The peace-loving, humanistic principles and practices for which the Baha'is are known in Brazil have earned this community respect and credibility among the country's human rights supporters," said Deputy Pompeo de Mattos. "There is therefore no reason to doubt the credibility of their claims."

Other such strong statements of support have been issued over the past several days from governments and parliamentarians in a number of countries, including Canada, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

Meanwhile, an official Iranian news agency report yesterday quoted a judiciary spokesman as saying the seven Baha'is "would attend their hearing sessions within one week."

According to an Islamic Republic News Agency story, the spokesman, Ali-Reza Jamshidi, told reporters at his weekly press conference yesterday that the "seven committed criminal acts including spying for foreigners."

Mr. Jamshidi stated that the Baha'is would "definitely be allowed to use legal counsel," though they have had no access to their lawyer to date.

His statement followed a harsh report on Sunday that quoted Iran's prosecutor general as saying the government plans the "complete destruction" of Baha'i administration in Iran.
"The administration of the misguided Baha'i sect at all levels is unlawful and banned, and their ties to Israel and their opposition to Islam and the Islamic regime are clear," said Iranian Prosecutor General Ayatollah Ghorban-Ali Dorri Najafabadi, according to a report in Fars News.
"The danger they pose to national security is documented and proven and therefore it is necessary that any substitute administration that acts as a replacement for the original be confronted through the law," said Ayatollah Najafabadi.

Diane Ala'i of the Baha'i International Community said the activities of the Baha'i leaders had to do with meeting the minimum spiritual and administrative needs of the 300,000-member Baha'i community of Iran. She said Ayatollah Najafabadi's attempt to portray their actions as "dangerous" was baseless and that the government is well aware that there is no truth to such allegations.

"How can the chief prosecutor equate something so harmless as a group of individuals who get together to give spiritual guidance and administer such things as marriages and burials and children's moral classes with something that threatens Iran's national security?" said Ms. Ala'i, the Baha'i International Community's representative to the United Nations in Geneva.
"After they banned Baha'i administration in Iran in 1983, the government has always been aware of and informed of the activities of these ad hoc groups.

"In the eyes of the government, the only real 'crime' of the seven currently in Evin prison – along with the some 30 other Baha'i prisoners currently held in Iran – is that they hold a religious belief that is different from the majority in Iran, and that is something that the current regime finds intolerable," she said.

Ms. Ala'i also discussed remarks made yesterday by Mr. Jamshidi in response to a question about Ayatollah Najafabadi's statements. Mr. Jamshidi was quoted as saying: "Any acts which could be taken as propaganda against Islam, Iran and its Islamic establishment is definitely considered a crime and its perpetrators would be legally encountered."

"The fact is that the Baha'i Faith is the only independent world religion other than Islam that accepts the divinity of Muhammad and reveres the Qur'an – along with the holy books of all the world's great religions. There is nothing anti-Islamic or anti-Iran about the Baha'i Faith, its teachings, or the practices of its followers. The government cannot impose its own interpretation of Islam on the Baha'i Faith and conclude that the Baha'i Faith is anti-Islam," Ms. Ala'i said.

"Indeed, the lives of the seven leaders currently in prison reflect lifelong efforts to promote the best development of Iranian society as a whole, through the promotion of education, social and economic development, and adherence to moral principle," she said.

Earlier this week, the British Foreign Office Minister Bill Rammell issued a statement saying the Iranian government "appears to be increasingly using vaguely worded charges to target human rights defenders and religious minorities."

"It is hard," said Minister Rammel on Monday, "not to conclude that these people are being held solely on account of their religious beliefs or their peaceful exercise of their right to freedom of expression and association."

The Iranian Revolution at 30: Elections as a Tool to a Sustain Theological Power Structure

2009-02-16T13:13:00.000-08:00

The Iranian Revolution at 30
January 29, 2009
IN
http://www.mideasti.org/viewpoint/the-iranian-revolution-3

Elections as a Tool to a Sustain Theological Power Structure

Kazem Alamdari
California State University, Northridge

In the 30–year history of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), a total of 30 elections have been held. In spite of losing popular ground, and despite uninterrupted elections, the clerics in Iran still firmly hold the reins of power because elections are designed to serve the status quo rather than to change it.

Elections in the IRI’s style have aimed to: (1) legitimize the system while discriminating against the majority of the people by declaring them ineligible to run for office; (2) prevent unwanted people (outsiders) from entering the power structure; (3) determine the share of rival groups (insiders) within the ruling circle, which reduces internal tension; (4) manipulate and orchestrate religious people because their participation in elections is a means of supporting Islam, and (5) make the system seem as though it is democratically endorsed by the people.

The ruling circle in the IRI includes appointed and elected persons. Those appointed, mainly clergymen, enjoy higher power with less—or even no—responsibility because it is asserted that they have been divinely chosen for their positions through serving Islam.

The major elective offices in the IRI include the president, the legislature, and the Assembly of Experts (AE). Election of the city and town councils is less political and therefore less controlled. The Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, appoints crucial power holders such as the six clerical members of the Guardian Council (GC); the thirty members of the Expediency Council; the head of the judiciary branch; the commanders of the Army, the Revolutionary Guards, and the Militia (Basij); the Chief of Police; the head of the National Security Council; and the head of the radio and television broadcasting, among others.

Local and regional governors appointed by the president are publicly controlled by clergymen who are appointed to represent the Supreme Leader in cities and towns, where they perform Friday Congregational Sermons. They are not accountable, but they enjoy great local power through their social and religious status. Also, both the processes and the outcomes of elections for positions in the legislative and executive branches are restricted by non-elective clerics. Even the president cannot select his cabinet members without consulting with the Supreme Leader. In some cases, Majlis (parliament) deputies travel to the holy city of Qom to consult with religious leaders before introducing a bill in the legislature because they know that the clerical members of the GC have authority to reject their bills if they find them un-Islamic.
According to the Constitution, the political structure of the IRI is composed of two opposite poles: Sharia (Islamic law = fiqh) and the Republic (people’s will). While elections symbolize the republic, the rule of the people, Sharia represents the religious pole of the structure, which guarantees the rule of clerics and undermines the role of the people. According to Article 4 of the Constitution, “All civil, penal, financial, economic, administrative, cultural, military, political, and other laws and regulations must be based on Islamic criteria. This principle applies absolutely and generally to all articles of the Constitution as well as to all other laws and regulations, and the fuqaha' of the Guardian Council are judges in this matter.”

Clerics legally manipulate elections through two mechanisms. First, the GC is authorized to screen the candidates before allowing them into a race.[1] For example, opponents of the Velayat-e Faqih (clerical rule) are banned from elections as being unfit to hold office in the Islamic system. Second, all elected officials, including the president, are in a subordinate position to the Supreme Leader (the walayat al-'amr and the leader of the Ummah), who enjoys absolute power in the system. The Supreme Leader also can remove an unfit president from office, if he desires to do so.

The role of the six clerical members of the GC in elections and law making is extremely decisive in the IRI. According to Article 99 of the Constitution, the GC has the responsibility of supervising the elections and the direct recourse to popular opinion and referenda. However, referring to Article 98 and part 9 of Article 110, which give the right of interpreting the laws to the GC, they have been developed into an unquestionable political tool for keeping the entire electoral system under the control of the conservative clerics.

The legislative assembly is deliberately named the “Consultative Assembly” because, in the IRI, this organ “does not hold any legal status if there is no GC in existence” (Article 93), and cannot make laws without the GC’s approval. The GC can declare any law passed by the legislative branch as being unconstitutional or un-Islamic (Article 94). Therefore, the legislative branch cannot pass a law to limit the role of the GC in elections. Such an order is articulated based on Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih, or Islamic Government.

Khomeini, the founder of the IRI, believed that elections should not undermine clerical rule. He wrote that the people must accept the rule of the clerics and follow their decisions as religious duties.[2] In his book, Islamic Government, Khomeini asserted that

...the ulema [clerics] were appointed by the imam for government and for judgment

among people, and their position is still preserved for them" (p. 73). ... Ulema (plural of

'alim) are the heirs to the prophets (p. 74).…If a knowledgeable and just jurisprudent

undertakes the task of forming the government, then he will run the social affairs that

the prophet used to run, and it is the duty of the people to listen to him and obey him.[3]

The third elective body of the IRI is the AE. All candidates are carefully screened, and they must be clergymen. The AE is responsible for selecting, evaluating, and dismissing the Supreme Leader. However, because the members are carefully screened by the GC, whose members are appointed by the Supreme Leader, the AE members never challenge the Supreme Leader’s performance or his decisions. AE elections are mainly competitions among conservative senior clergymen. Since 1982, when it was established, the main activity of the AE has been the selection of Ali Khamenei as the Supreme Leader. They have continuously and annually praised him.

After Khatami’s surprise landslide victory as a reformist candidate in1997 with 79.93% of the eligible voters—the highest turnout in the history of the IRI—and the takeover of the 6th Majlis by reformist representatives, the GC has rigidly firmed up its control to prevent known reformists from entering political races. The GC, in addition to using its influence among religious people and masques, has hired thirty thousand new local employees to carefully watch and screen all candidates who want to run for any office. The tight control over the candidates leaves the votes with fewer choices and less motivation to participate in the elections. Therefore, conservative candidates find that they have a better chance to be elected.

Another major institution that plays a significant role in elections is the charity organization “Imam Khomeini Committee.” The Supreme Leader appoints the head of this organization, which has a several-billion-dollar budget to help poor people. In response, these people tend to support the conservative candidates in elections.

Therefore, elections under the current political, legal, and religious structure are at an impasse and move in a vicious circle under the firm control of the clerics. This process only serves the status quo, which is characterized by absolute domination by conservative clerics. In other words, elections in IRI do not have the capacity to bring about any structural change, but only to sustain the theological power structure.
=============================
[1] Guardian Council is composed of 6 clerics appointed by the Supreme Leader, and 6 lawyers proposed by the judiciary chief and approved by the Majlis. However, only the clerics have authority to judge and interpret whether a law is un-Islamic.

[2] More precisely, the notion of Velayat-e Faqih originated in the writings of several shii jurists such as Mulla Ahmad Naraqi, who used the idea to legitimize the absolute rule of Fatali Shah Qajar, and Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri, who strongly opposed constitutional rule (1906) as an anti-religious measure in Iran. Other predecessors of Khomeini include Mirza Hasan Shirazi, Mirza Muhammad Taqi Shriazi, and Kashif al-Ghita

[3] Khomeini, Ayatollah Ruhollah, Islamic Government, translated by the Joint Publishers Reset Service, Arlington, VA, 1979, p. 37.

Amnesty International=Iran: Worsening Repression of Dissent as Election Approaches

2009-02-10T11:17:00.000-08:00

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amnesty international
Iran
Iran: Worsening Repression of Dissent as Election Approaches

February 2009

AI Index: MDE 13/012/2009

In the last three months, Amnesty International has received reports of waves of arbitrary arrests and harassment, directed particularly against members of Iran’s religious and ethnic minority communities, students, trade unionists and women’s rights activists. Amnesty International is aware of the apparent arbitrary arrest of, or other repressive measures taken against, over 220 individuals. Many, of those arrested, if not all, are at risk of torture or other ill treatment. Other individuals arrested before this period have been sentenced to death. In addition, several newspapers have been closed down, and access to internet sites has been restricted, including some relating to human rights or which are operated by international broadcasters. These measures may in part be intended to stifle debate and to silence critics of the authorities in advance of the forthcoming presidential election in June 2009. All individuals and groups should be allowed to peacefully exercise their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, including in ways which dissent from state policies and practices, in the run-up to the presidential election.

Amnesty International has documented repeatedly how vaguely worded legislation is being used to silence the most active sectors of the Iranian population. Charges such as “acting against state security”, “spreading lies” “propaganda against the system”, “creating unease in the public mind”, “insulting the holy sanctities” and “defamation of state officials” are used to target members of Iran’s religious and ethnic minorities as well as human rights and other civil society activists. Such laws and practices violate Iran’s obligations under Articles 18, 19, 21 and 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights regarding freedom of belief, expression, assembly and association.

Amnesty International is calling on the Iranian authorities to end such repressive measures and to uphold the rights to freedom of belief, expression, assembly and association. Vaguely-worded provisions in the legislation of Iran which are being used to restrict these essential freedoms should be repealed or reviewed to bring them in line with Iran’s obligations under international human rights law.

Anyone held as a prisoner of conscience, solely on account of their peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, association, or on account of their religious belief, should be released immediately and unconditionally. Others detained should be released unless they are to be promptly charged with a recognizably criminal offence and tried fairly. All detainees and prisoners should be protected from torture or other ill-treatment.

Amnesty International has not been permitted to visit Iran for first-hand investigation of the human rights situation there since shortly after the Islamic Revolution which took place 30 years ago. While Amnesty International was not always able to speak directly to, and collect testimonies from, the people subjected to human rights violations, whose cases are mentioned in this report, the details are consistent with known patterns of human rights violations in the country.

Restrictions on Freedom of Belief

Only three religious minorities – Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians – are allowed under Article 13 of Iran’s Constitution to practise their religious faith. By contrast, adherents of unrecognized religious groups such as Baha’is, the Ahl-e Haq and Mandaeans (Sabians), are not permitted freedom to practise their beliefs and are particularly at risk of discrimination or other violations of their internationally recognized human rights. Converts from Islam and evangelical Christians who proselytize are also subject to repression.

In addition, Sunni Muslims, who are mostly members of ethnic minorities, also face repression in connection with their religious beliefs. Shi’a Muslims who do not subscribe to the principle of Velayat-e Faqih,[1] the founding principle of the Islamic Republic of Iran, or who engage in religious practices frowned upon by the authorities, are also at risk of arbitrary arrest and other human rights violations in connection with their beliefs.

Bahai’s

At least 19 Baha’is – members of an unrecognized religion in Iran who are banned from publicly expressing their faith, have been arrested since 25 December 2008. Adil Samimi was held for one week for unknown reasons after being arrested on 25 December in the town of Sari in Mazandaran Province. Five months earlier, it is reported that the Iranian authorities pressured his landlord to force Adil Samimi to vacate his shop.

Nine people – all relatives, including a child of four, some of whom were visiting from Canada - were arrested on 28 December in a shopping mall on the southern holiday island of Kish, reportedly after a local shopkeeper asked them about their faith on discovering they were Baha’is. They were held for up to three days.

Following raids on the homes of 12 Baha’is in Tehran on 14 January 2009, six people were arrested. One was released shortly afterwards, but the other five - Payam Aghsani, Didar Raoufi, Aziz Samandari, Jinous Sobhani, and Shahrokh Taef were taken into custody. Jinous Sobhani was formerly an administrative assistant for two NGOs founded by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi: the Centre for Human Rights Defenders and the Organization for the Defence of Land Mine Victims, but lost her job in December when both NGOs were forcibly closed by the authorities. All five are currently held in Evin Prison in Tehran. None has been allowed visits from family members or a lawyer of their choice, although some of them are said to have been allowed to make one or more brief telephone calls to their families. Their detention was confirmed by the Judiciary spokesman, Ali Reza Jamshidi on 27January 2009, who said they were accused of “propaganda against the system”. Another of the 12 whose homes were searched on 14 January, Nima Haghar, was arrested following a summons on 1 February 2009 and is also being detained in Evin prison.

On 26 January 2009, the houses of seven Baha’is in Mashhad, north-eastern Iran were searched and a woman and a man – Sima Eshraghi and Jalayer Vahdat - were arrested. Their whereabouts remain unknown.

There are also continuing reports of destruction of Baha’i cemeteries, closure of other Baha’i businesses apparently in connection with the faith of the businesses’ owners, and denial of education to Baha’is either by refusing to admit Baha’i students to schools and universities, or by expelling them after admission.

Sufis

Gonabadi Dervishes of the Nematollahi order[2] have faced continuing repression by the Iranian authorities over the last three years. Local Gonabadi Dervish groups meet weekly in places of worship called Hosseiniehs.

Gonabadi Dervish Hosseiniehs in several towns and cities have been forcibly closed or destroyed in recent months. At least four teachers were dismissed from their employment in 2008 on account of their participation in Sufi practices. In October 2008, seven were arrested in Esfahan, and five in Karaj, near Tehran, apparently on account of their affiliation to the order.

Most recently, at least six Sufis were arrested on the island of Kish in December 2008, following the enforced closure of the Hosseinieh on the island. Two lawyers who took up their cases - Farshid Yadollahi and Amir Eslami - have reportedly been placed under investigation by the Kish Public Prosecutor, for allegedly “creating unease in the public mind”, after they had been summoned, reportedly on the orders of the Joint Intelligence Bureau of Hormozgan Province.

On 22 January 2009, Jamshid Lak, a Nematollahi Dervish, was flogged 74 times after being summoned to court. He had been sentenced in 2006 to six months’ imprisonment, 74 lashes and a monetary fine after conviction of “spreading lies”, “slander” and “defamation of state officials” by Branch 102 of the General Court in Doroud. The charges had been brought against him after he had written a letter to the country's senior officials in which he complained of being physically assaulted by a Ministry of Intelligence officer. The sentence was later reduced to 74 lashes by Branch 7 of Lorestan Appeal Court, which acquitted him of “spreading lies” and “defamation”, but upheld the charge of “slander”. His lawyer, Mostafa Daneshju, who had also represented Dervishes detained following the destruction of the Gonabadi Hosseinieh in Qom in February 2006, was subsequently banned from practising law for five years, and was unable to represent Jamshid Lak at his appeal.

Christians

Jamal Ghalishorani, 49, his wife Nadereh Jamali, both converts to Christianity and another man, Armenian Christian Hamik Khachikian were all reportedly arrested in Tehran on 21 January 2009. Their whereabouts are unknown. Judiciary spokesman, Ali Reza Jamshidi, on 27 January confirmed the arrest of one Christian Priest, believed to be Hamik Khachikian, whom he said was accused of “insulting the holy sanctities”. According to Article 513 of Iran’s Penal Code this charge carries the death penalty if it “falls under the rules concerning Cursing the Prophet”; otherwise it carries a sentence of one to five years’ imprisonment.

Al-e Yassin

Payman Fattahi, the leader of a group known as the Al-e Yassin[3] was arrested on 14 January 2009 after being summoned to an interrogation session at the Department for Dealing with Religions of the Ministry of Intelligence. Five of his followers – Nazi Hesami (f), Morteza Rasoulian, Sa’id Sourati, Hamid Sourati and Farhad Moradi - are said to have been arrested the following day. Three are known to have been taken to Section 209 of Evin Prison, which is under the control of the Ministry of Intelligence, but the whereabouts of Payman Fattahi, Farhad Moradi and Morteza Rasoulian remain unknown. Payman Fattahi had previously spent about five months in detention after his arrest in May, during which he was reportedly tortured and interrogated about a variety of alleged offences, including “acting against state security”, “establishing a sect”, and “promoting Christianity and atheism”[4]. The group has also been vilified in state-owned press.

Repressive measures taken against members of ethnic minorities

Iran’s ethnic minorities face widespread discrimination in law and practice. Many suffer disproportionately poor housing and living conditions, some have their land confiscated or are forcibly evicted from their houses and face restrictions in the exercise of their rights to enjoy their own cultures or to use their own languages. While most choose to express their grievances peacefully, the Iranian authorities are facing armed opposition from groups such as the Kurdish group, the Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan (PJAK), and the Baluchi group, the People’s Resistance Movement of Iran (formerly known as Jondollah). Amnesty International recognizes the rights and responsibilities of states to bring to justice those accused of recognizably criminal offences, but calls for political prisoners who were unfairly tried to be released if they are not retried in proceedings which meet international standards for fair trial.

Arabs

Amnesty International has received the names of 37 members of the Ahwazi Arab minority (see Appendix 1), who were reportedly arrested during and in the days following demonstrations held in early January 2009, protesting against the Israeli military action in Gaza. Their place of detention is unknown. The contradiction of these arrests with the publicly stated position of the Iranian authorities over the recent events in Gaza illustrates the cynicism with which those authorities regard human rights.

Baluchis

Following a suicide bombing claimed by the PRMI directed against a police station in Saravan on 29 December 2008, in which at least four people, including two border police officers, are said to have been killed[5], at least 30 residents of Saravan are reported to have been arrested[6], apparently in reprisal, and taken to unknown locations where they are at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.

Five months after the destruction of a Sunni mosque and seminary in Zabol by the Iranian authorities, at least eight people (some of them Sunni clerics) - Mowlavi Abdollah Brahui, Mowlavi Zabihollah Brahui, Dr Nour Mohammad Shahbaksh and his brother Abdolrahman Shahbakhsh, Hafez Mohammadali, Mohammad Omar Baluch, Abdolqader Naroui, and Mowlavi Ali Naroui remain detained, apparently without charge or trial, by the Ministry of Intelligence, without access to family visits or lawyers of their choice.

Kurds

Increasing numbers of members of the Kurdish minority are reported to have been arrested in recent months. Many are said to have been held in undisclosed locations for weeks or months and then sentenced on vaguely-worded charges related to national security or for being “at enmity with God”, which usually carries the death penalty. Most are accused of membership of Kurdish groups opposed to the Iranian government, usually PJAK, or its parent organization, the PKK, which wages armed opposition against the government in Iran. At least 14 Kurds are now reported to have been sentenced to death on such charges in the past two years, including one woman – Zaynab Jalalian – sentenced in January 2009 (for a complete list of all 14 members of the Kurdish minority arrested, see Appendix 2).

Other Kurds have reportedly been arrested recently, possibly in connection with their online writings or human rights activities. They include Ali Roorast, a 60-year-old man arrested on 26 January 2009 at his shop in Mahabad and taken to a Ministry of Intelligence facility in the town. Two days later, his son Fayeq Roorast, a 20-year-old first-year law student and blogger, who is said to be a member of the recently-created Association of Students defending Human Rights in Kurdistan, and Ali Roorast’s sister, Hajar Roorast, a teacher and local civil society activist, were also arrested. They are believed to remain in detention without access to family members or lawyers of their choice.

Azerbaijanis

A member of the Azerbaijani minority in Iran, Abdullah Abbasi Javan, a professor at Tehran's Shahid Raja'i University and his nephew, Hossein Hoseini, were among nine people arrested in and around Tehran on 13 November 2008 following the annual celebration of Sattar Khan, an Azerbaijjani hero of the 1906 Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Their families had no news of them until 23 November when they were told that the two were being held in Section 209 of Evin Prison. Hossein Hosseini was released on 21 January, but Abdullah Abbasi Javan remains held without access to family members or a lawyer. He is not known to have been charged with any offence. He also spent 130 days in detention in 2007, accused of “pan-Turkism and “propaganda against the system”, during which time he was reportedly tortured.

Amnesty International has also received the names of 18 Sunni Azerbaijanis (See Appendix 3) who were among a group of more than 30 reportedly arrested on 14 January 2009 in the village of Khanegah-e Sorkh near Oroumiye, in west Azerbaijan province. They had gathered to protest at the diversion of the water supply to the village towards a sand and gravel extraction complex nearby, and were met by police who forcibly dispersed them, including with tear gas. Some of those arrested are said to have been injured during their arrest, but were only transferred to hospital several hours later. Others were reportedly tortured or otherwise ill-treated during their two-week long detention. All were released on bail pending trial. At least 21 of those arrested were tried on 1 February before Branch 101 of the General Court of Nazlu, West Azerbaijan Province. The charges against those convicted included “disturbing public order” and “insulting state officials” and their sentences included prison terms of up to one year, fines, flogging sentences of 74 lashes and enforced residency in the town of Minab, Hormozgan Province, south-eastern Iran.

Arrest of relatives of members of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI)

On 16 January 2009, security forces arrested about 18 relatives – mostly women aged between 60 and 85 - of members of the PMOI who are currently residing in Camp Ashraf[7] in Iraq. The family members were all arrested at the airport in Tehran shortly before departing for Iraq to visit their relatives and were taken to Section 209 of Evin Prison in Tehran, where they have not been allowed access to family members or lawyers. They include 85-year old Jamileh Mohammadzadeh, who was intending to visit her son. Reports on 29 January suggested that three from the same family – a man named Bahrami, his wife Atefeh Bahrami and their daughter – were transferred to Rejai’ Shahr (also known as Gohar Dasht) Prison in Karaj. For a partial list of those arrested, see Appendix 4.

Detention and imprisonment of women’s rights activists

Women’s rights defenders, who have been among the most active sectors in Iran’s civil society in recent years, continue to face reprisals on account of their peaceful activities.

Three women – Nafiseh Azad, Bigard Ebrahim and another who wishes to remain unidentified – were arrested on 30 January 2009 while collecting signatures in the mountains near Tehran for the Campaign for Equality, which aims to collect a million signatures of Iranians to a petition demanding an end to discrimination against women in Iranian law. They were transferred to Vozara Detention Centre and on 31 January appeared before a Revolutionary Court judge, who issued Nafiseh Azad with a temporary arrest warrant, but granted bail orders for the other two. Bigard Ebrahim was released on 31 January, and the other individual on 1 February. Nafiseh Azad’s husband, Vahid Maleki, told the Campaign for Equality that he believes his wife was remanded in custody because she had previously ignored a telephone summons calling her for interrogation, on the grounds that, according to the law, she should first be issued with a written summons. On 3 February 2009, officials from the Special Security Branch of the Office of the Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Courts raided Nafiseh Azad’s house, which she shares with two other students Elnaz Ansari and Aida Saadat. Although the warrant shown by the officials related only to the search of Nafiseh Azad’s property, during the raid, property, including phones, computers, DVDs, CDs and documents belonging to both Elnaz Ansari and Nafiseh Azad, was confiscated. The officials also beat Elnaz Ansari and Vahid Maleki, who had come to Tehran from Esfahan to follow his wife’s case. She was released on bail of 500 million rials (approximately US$50,000) on 4 February 2009. She has been charged with “acting against state security by propaganda against the system”.

On 1 February 2009, Alieh Aghdam-Doust, a member of the Campaign for Equality, was arrested and brought under guard to the Office for the Implementation of Sentences to begin a three-year prison sentence imposed after she was convicted of participation in a peaceful demonstration on 12 June 2006 protesting at legalized discrimination against women. The demonstration was forcibly broken up by police, who injured some of the demonstrators and arrested 70. Alieh Aghdam-Doust had originally been sentenced to three years and four months imprisonment and 20 lashes by branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran, but this was reduced to three years imprisonment on appeal. She is a prisoner of conscience.

The appeal of four women’s rights activists against their prison sentence for writing for two websites related to women’s rights began on 27 January 2009. Parvin Ardalan, Jelveh Javaheri, Maryam Hosseinkhah and Nahid Keshavarz were sentenced in September 2008 to six months in jail for their writings for the sites “Change for Equality” and “Zanestan” – which is now banned. The “Change for Equality” website was blocked by the authorities for the nineteenth time earlier this month.

At least five women’s movement activists have been banned from leaving Iran. Most recently, lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh was banned from travelling to Italy in December 2008 to collect a human rights award. In addition, Esha Momeni, who holds joint US-Iranian nationality, was also prevented from leaving the country after her release on bail. At the time of her arrest in October 2008, she was in Iran to visit her family and to conduct research for her Master's degree thesis on the Iranian women’s movement. As part of her research she had been conducting video interviews with members of the Campaign for Equality in Tehran.

Arrest and harassment of Students

National Student Day was commemorated on 6 December 2008 with two separate meetings at Shiraz University. The main event was organized by students and members of the paramilitary Basij, affiliated to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps; whilst independent students organized a smaller event, at which they informed participants that an open public forum for expressing views would be held on 8 December.

On 7 December 10 students were summoned by the head of the Herasat (an agency which oversees security) and threatened them with severe repercussions should the public forum go ahead. Despite the attempts to stop the event from taking place, several hundred students at Iran's Shiraz University held a demonstration against government policies on 8 December 2008

According to the website of the Graduates’ Association (Advar-e Tahkim) at least 37 students were later summoned by the Disciplinary Office of the university. At least 18 of them received orders banning them from continuing their education for various temporary periods. In addition, possibly as many as 23 students were summoned by the Intelligence Office in Shiraz in connection with participation in the gatherings. At least 12 of these students (see Appendix 5) were detained at different times for several days before being released on payment of substantial bail. All are believed to have been released by 30 January. Some of the others summoned were not arrested, and others refused to attend on the grounds that they had been summoned by telephone and not by written order as is required by law. Charges brought against those who were summoned and later appeared before the Revolutionary Court in Shiraz are believed to include "acting against state security" and “insulting state officials”. During their detention they were reportedly not afforded access to their lawyers and their family members.

Said Razavi Faghih, a former spokesman of the student body, the Office for the Consolidation of Unity (Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat), was arrested on 2 February 2009 shortly after returning from France where he had been studying. His passport had been seized at the airport when he returned on 27 January and he was informed that he had been banned from travel. He was told to appear before a branch of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran, where he was arrested, and taken to Evin Prison. He had previously been detained briefly in 2002 during protests by students against the death sentence imposed on reformist cleric Dr Seyyed Hashem Aghajari and for 78 days in 2003, following further student protests, when Amnesty International took action on his behalf[8]. On 6 February, his lawyer said that while in France, Said Razavi Faghih had been sentenced in absentia to four years in prison by Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran for “acting against state security” and “propaganda activities against the system” in connection with statements he made, including to meetings of students, in protest at Dr Hashem Aghajeri’s death sentence in 2003. His lawyer said that as he had not been informed previously of the sentence, the Office for the Implementation of Sentences had confirmed that it could be appealed against and he hoped that Said Razavi Faghih would soon be released.

Measures taken against Trade Unionists

The formation of independent trade union bodies, which was banned after the Islamic Revolution, remains prohibited in Iran and those who attempt to form such bodies risk detention and prosecution.

Ebrahim Madadi, the vice-president of the board of directors of the Syndicate of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Sherkat-e Vahed) was arrested on December 27, 2008. According to his lawyer, he was detained in Evin Prison to begin serving a three and a half year prison sentence imposed by Branch 14 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran after being convicted of "acting against national security" and "propaganda against the system". However, this verdict was never delivered in writing to Ebrahim Madadi or his lawyer, as is required by law. He was therefore not able to appeal against it. The judicial authorities apparently claim that Ebrahim Madadi was informed of this sentence verbally during a previous detention.

Bijan Amiri, a car industry worker and a member of the Workers' Mountain-climbing Board, was arrested in the Iran Khodrow Company factory on 22 December 2008 by the company’s security personnel, following a disagreement. He was then handed over to Ministry of Intelligence officials and was taken to Section 209 of Evin Prison. Mohsen Hakimi, a member of the Coordinating Committee to Form Workers' Organizations and a member of the Iranian Writers' Association, was detained later that same night at Bijan Amiri’s house after he had paid a visit following Bijan Amiri’s arrest. Security forces reportedly came to search Bijan Amiri’s house, interrogated everyone who was there, and then arrested Mohsen Hakimi when they saw his identity card, despite his protests. Mohsen Hakimi has previously been detained for his trade union activities. Bijan Amiri was released on a personal guarantee on 28 January 2009, and is likely to face future legal proceedings, but Mohsen Hakimi remains held in Section 209 of Evin Prison, apparently without access to family members or a lawyer.

At least five Board members of the newly-formed, but unrecognized Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Company’s (HTSCC) Workers Syndicate - Ali Nejati, Feraydoun Nikofard, Jalil Ahmadi, Ghorban Alipour and Mohammad Haydarimehr - were tried on 20 December 2008 by the Revolutionary Court in Dezful, southern Iran, on the charge of “propaganda against the system”. They had been arrested in early October 2007, during strikes by the HTSCC workers in an attempt to gain four months of back payment which was owing to them, after which they were released on bail. No verdict is known to have been issued yet.

Recommendations

Release all prisoners of conscience and drop charges against any who are facing trial and who would be a prisoner of conscience if imprisoned;

Release any one else who is detained unless they are to be charged with a recognizably criminal offence and brought to trial promptly and fairly in accordance with international fair trial standards and without resort to the death penalty;

Lift all travel bans imposed on persons for the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly;

Commute all death sentences and impose an immediate and comprehensive moratorium on executions, as a first step towards ending the use of this punishment;

Review legislation with a view to repealing or amending all vaguely-worded articles which can be used to restrict freedom of belief, expression, association and assembly, or which discriminate against women or members of ethnic, religious or other minorities;

Permit all individuals and groups to peacefully exercise their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, including in ways which dissent from state policies and practices, in the run-up to the presidential election.

Appendix 1

List of names of 37 members of the Ahwazi Arab minority arrested following a demonstration against the Israeli military action in Gaza

1. Reza Ahmadi2. Tehran Ahmadi3. Hamid Bawi4. Ahmad Bani-Toruf5. Naseem Bani-Toruf6. Muhammad Janadeleh7. Amin Cheldawi8. Zalan Cheldawi9. Yousef Cheldwai10. Gahier Hamudi11. Rashid Haidari12. Fouad Haidari13. Faisal Haidari14. Mahmoud Haidari15. Hamzah Khasraji16. Mansour Daghagheleh17. Jaber Sa'duni18. Ya'ghub Sa'idawi19. Mansour Sawari20. Nasrallah Sawari21. Yasser Sawari22. Mahdi Taruf23. Rahim E'badi24. Dawud Abiat25. Ali-Pour Abiat26. Muhamamdali Abiat27. Abulamir Fazeli28. Bashir Kuroshat29. Amar Kuroshat30. Hammed Kan'ani31. Aziz Kan'ani32. Rasoul Muhammadi33. Baber Mansouri34. Ali Musawi35. Nasser Mahawi36. Ghazi Naisi37. Mustafa Naisi

Appendix 2
List of 14 members of the Kurdish minority sentenced to death in the last two years

1) Farzad Kamangar, a 32 year old teacher, was arrested by officers from the Ministry of Intelligence in Tehran in 2006. He was initially held incommunicado at a series of locations, including in the cities of Kermanshah, Sanandaj and Tehran, where he was tortured, including by being beaten, flogged and electrocuted. He was sentenced to death in February 2008 after conviction of “enmity against God” – a charge levelled against those accused of taking up arms against the state - apparently in connection with his alleged membership of the armed group, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which carries out attacks in Turkey, after traces of explosive powder and a gun were found in a house he stayed in with his two co-accused and in a car that they had used. Farzad Kamangar denies any such membership. His trial was grossly flawed. Farzad Kamangar has been prohibited, on several occasions and for prolonged periods of time, from seeing his lawyer and family members. The two other men were also sentenced to death and to 10 years’ imprisonment, apparently for forging documents. Under Iranian law, they must serve their prison sentences before being executed. On 11 July 2008 Farzad Kamangar’s death sentence was upheld by the Supreme Court. However, his lawyer has submitted his case to a judicial review panel in an effort to have his death sentence overturned. Under Iranian law, death sentences cannot be carried out while under review. He is currently held in Reja’i Shahr Prison, in Karaj, west of Tehran.
2) Farhad Vakili, arrested with Farzad Kamangar, and also sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for forging documents which must be served before the execution can be carried out.
3) Ali Haydarian, arrested with Farzad Kamangar, and also sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for forging documents which must be served before the execution can be carried out.
4) Abdolvahed (Hiwa) Boutimar, an environmental activist was arrested in December 2006. His initial death sentence was overturned, but was reimposed after a retrial. Journalist Adnan Hassanpour, sentenced to death in the same case, had his death sentence after conviction of enmity against God overturned in September 2008 and is awaiting retrial for espionage and working for banned opposition groups.
5) Anvar Hossein Panahi, a teacher from Dehgalan, was arrested in late 2007 or early 2008, along with Arslan Oliya’i. He was transferred to a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility in Ghorveh, where he is said to have been tortured, which left him in need of hospital treatment. He was sentenced to death for “enmity against God” on 12 July 2008 by the Revolutionary Court in Sanandaj, possibly in connection with membership of or support for Komala. He appealed against his sentence, but he was informed on 5 August 2008 that it had been confirmed by the Supreme Court.
6) Arslan Oliya’i, arrested alongside Anvar Hossein Panahi, was also sentenced to death for “enmity against God” on 12 July 2008, possibly in connection with membership of or support for Komala. He appealed against his sentence, but he was informed on 5 August 2008 that it had been confirmed by the Supreme Court.
7) Sherko Moarefi, originally from Baneh and previously a refugee in Iraq, was arrested on 1 or 2 October 2008 after he returned to Iran. Held in a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility where he was denied any visits from family or lawyer since his arrest, he was reported to have been sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court in Saqqez for “enmity against God” in connection with his membership in a Kurdish opposition group, possibly PJAK. His lawyer reportedly said that Sherko Moarefi had not carried out any attacks against Iranian forces during his membership of the group, and had returned to Iran and handed himself over to security forces voluntarily.
8) Farhad Chalesh, believed to be a Turkish citizen, is believed to have been arrested in June 2008 during an armed clash with Iranian forces between the villages of Fakhur and Mirzakhalil. According to Fars News agency, two PJAK members, one with Turkish and one with Syrian nationality, were arrested at the time. He was injured in the clash and was taken to Arefian Hospital in Oromieh. In January 2009 he is said to have been sentenced to death for “enmity against God” for membership of PJAK.
9) Ramazan Ahmad, believed to be a Syrian citizen, captured alongside Farhad Chalesh and also injured in the clash with Iranian forces, was sentenced along with Farhad Chalesh for “enmity against God” inJanuary 2009 for membership of PJAK.
10) Rostam Arkia, from Maku, was sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court in Maku for “enmity against God” for membership of PJAK. The sentence has reportedly been confirmed by the Supreme Court. He is held in Maku prison. The dates of his arrest and trial are unknown to Amnesty International.
11) Habibollah Latifi, a 27-year-old law student at the Azad University of Ilam who is from Sanandaj, has been in detention since October 2007. His family were unaware of his location for the first nine days after his arrest, when they found him in hospital in Sanandaj, suffering internal bleeding, believed to be the result of torture. He was returned to a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility after he had received medical treatment, where he was reportedly further tortured, including by being beaten and suspended upside down for a long period. This is said to have resulted in injuries to his head and further internal bleeding. He was sentenced to death by Sanandaj Revolutionary Court in July 2008 for “enmity against God” in connection with his alleged involvement in planting bombs and for links to PJAK. His trial was not open and neither his family, nor his lawyer, were allowed to attend.
12) Fasih (Fateh) Yasmini was arrested during clashes between PJAK and Iranian security forces in the village of Hendavan, near Khoy, in or around February 2008. It is not clear whether Fasih Yasmini was involved in these clashes or not. He was reportedly among a number of villagers arrested, including five girls, his father Hossein Yasmini, and another man Fahim Reza-Zadeh, who are said to have been taken to a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility in Khoy, where Fasih Yasmini was reportedly tortured. His family had no news of him for about two months. Hossein Yasmini was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment and Fahim Reza-Zadeh to 15 years’ imprisonment to be served in exile. Fasih Yasmini’s death sentence from the Khoy Revolutionary court is believed to have been upheld on appeal by Branch 10 of the Appeal Court of West Azerbaijan Province and by the Supreme Court.
13) Zeynab Jalalian (f), aged 27 from Maku, is said to have been sentenced to death in or around January 2009 by Kermanshah Revolutionary Court after eight months in detention in a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility, during which her family had no information concerning her fate. She was convicted of “enmity against God” in connection with her alleged membership of, support for and recruitment to a Kurdish opposition party, possibly PJAK. She is reported not to have been granted access to her lawyer during her trial which is said to have lasted only a few minutes.
14) Esma’il Fattahian, from Kermanshah and a resident of Sanandaj, was detained in Kamyaran at some time between April and August 2008. Reports suggest that he may have been tortured in detention facilities in Kamyaran, Kermanshah and Sanandaj. Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Sanandaj sentenced him to 10 years imprisonment, to be served in Ramhormoz Prison in the province of Khuzestan, in a trial in which he was reportedly denied access to a lawyer. Both Esma’il Fattahian and the prosecutor appealed against this verdict, and in January 2009 it was reported that Branch 4 of the Kordestan Appeal Court had overturned the initial verdict, and instead sentenced him to death fpr “enmity against God” in connection with his membership of an illegal opposition group. Under Article 4 (2) of the Law of Appeals against Court Judgments, Appeal Courts can only increase sentences if the prosecution has appealed against the initial sentence.

Appendix 3
List of names of 18 Sunni members of the Azerbaijani minority arrested following a clash over water resources on 14 January 2009
1) Barzad Nezami Afshar
2) Mighdad Nizami Afshar
3) Sa’id Ja’farpur
4) Mohammad Samadzadeh
5) Bahram Qolozadeh
6) Nadali Qolozadeh
7) Nadali Alipour
8) Meraj Alipour
9) Heydar Alipour
10) Suleiman Ebrahimzadeh
11) Nasir Qolozadeh
12) Akbar Rostami
13) Eskandar Aslani
14) Allahverdi Aslani
15) Faramaz Ja’fari
16) Mohammed Ja’fari
17) Naqi A.
18) Davoud Sh.

Appendix 4
Partial list of relatives of members of the PMOI arrested on 16 January 2009

1) Sakineh Salimian Zahed,

2) Zohra Javadi

3) Ferdows Mahboubi

4) Ezzat Nouri

5) Fatemeh Sadeghi

6) Kobra Amirkhizi

7) Mrs Poureghbal

8) Mr Poureghbal

9) Parisa Poureghbal

10) Azizah Shafi'i-nia

11) Jamileh Mohammadzadeh

12) Kobra Baderi-roudi

13) Mr Bahrami

14) Atefeh Bahrami

and several members of the Reza'i family
Appendix 5

List of names of 12 students at Shiraz University detained after 2008 National Student Day Events (all were released by 30 January 2009)

1) Aboljalil Reza’i, arrested 3 January 2009

2) Kazem Reza’i, arrested 3 January 2009

3) Mohsen Zarinkamar, arrested 3 January 2009

4) Loghman Ghadir Goltapeh, arrested 3 January 2009

5) Ahmad Kohansal, arrested 10 January 2009

6) Enayat Taghva arrested 10 January 2009

7) Abbas Rahmati, arrested 10 January 2009

8) Sa’id Khal’atbari, arrested 10 January 2009

9) Arash Roosta’i, arrested 12 January 2009

10) Hadi Alamli, arrested 12 January 2009

11) Hamdollah Namju, arrested 13 January 2009

12) Alma Ranjbar (f), arrested 14 January 2009

INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT, 1 EASTON STREET, LONDON WC1X 0DW, UNITED KINGDOM
[1] The political concept of the absolute authority of Velayat-e Faqih (leadership of the learned man) was developed by Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It was enshrined as part of the Iranian Constitution adopted in 1979, which stated that overall political authority lies with the Leader, who must not only possess the requisite political capability to lead, but must also be a holy and pious man, as well as an expert in Islamic Law and a marja-ye taqlid - a religious source of emulation for his followers. A 1989 amendment to the Constitution dropped the requirement for the leader to be a marja, but greatly enhanced the political powers of the Leader.
[2] Gonabadi Dervishes in Iran consider themselves to be Shi’a Muslims. This Sufi order describes Sufism as neither a religion nor a sect, but rather a way of life by which individuals – from any religion - may find God. See, for example, http://www.sufism.ir/sufischool.php. This is a website belonging to the Gonabadi Dervish order in Europe, which is headed by Dr Sayed Mostafa Azmayesh. In Iran, the Head of the Order is Dr Nour Ali Tabandeh,.who was forced to leave his home in Bidokht, the main centre of the order in Iran, in May 2007 and take up residency in Tehran. Several prominent clerics in Iran have issued fatwas attacking Sufis. For example Ayatollah Lankarani said in 2006 that Sufis were “misleading Iranian youth” and that “any contact with them was forbidden”.
[3] Al-e Yassin members describe the group as “an academic organization, formed from many different groups such as The Society of Professional Thinkers and Probers, the Al-e-Yassin Association of Interpreters, Writers and Instructors and the (Iranian) Nature Front Association”. They claim to publish various publications including: The Divine Cognition, The Motivators, The Arts of living, The Science of Success, The Journal of Esoteric Science, and The Art of Divine Living, among others. They claim some of these publications have been forcibly closed, that books by the group’s leader have been banned and that websites are filtered and the members of society are called to the Ministry of Security and Intelligence of Iran, on a regular basis. From communication to Amnesty International by email. Similar information can be seen at http://aleyassin.blogspot.com/

[4] The group has claimed that the accusations levelled against Payman Fattahi during his arrest included religious heresy, Christian orientation, Spiritual Pluralism, Striving to unify Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, Propaganda, Conspiracy against the Islamic System, Religious Degeneration, and spreading spiritual liberalism and American Islamism.
[5] The Iranian authorities stated that four people had been killed (Press TV, 29 December 2008). Pakistani sources, when commenting on the subsequent closure of the international border between Saravan and Panjgur, stated that around 45 people had been killed, http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008\12\30\story_30-12-2008_pg7_12 including 15 to 20 foreign nationals, including Afghans and Uzbeks, who were detained nearby after having entered the country illegally http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008%5C12%5C31%5Cstory_31-12-2008_pg7_37. The PRMI claimed that 150 people had perished in the attack (PRMI statement published on various websites).
[6] http://www.autnews.us/archives/1387,10,00015696
[7] The PMOI is an Iranian opposition group which participated in the Revolution of 1979 but was subsequently attacked by the Iranian authorities. Thousands of PMOI members were arrested, tortured and executed in the following years. In 1986, during the Iran-Iraq war, the PMOI based itself in Iraq and allied itself with the government of Saddam Hussein. Following the US-led military intervention in Iraq in 2003 about 3,400 members of the PMOI were disarmed by the US-led forces at Camp Ashraf in Iraq’s northern governorate of Diyala, where its members still reside. The current Iraqi administration has pledged to remove the PMOI from its territory.
[8] Please see Urgent Actions AI Index: MDE 13/023/2003, 10 July 2003; AI Index: MDE 13/024/2003, 31 July 2003; and AI Index: MDE 13/030/2003, 15 August 2003

Sign Petition To Support Imprisoned Women’s Rights Activists, Alieh Eghdam Doust and Nafiseh Azad

2009-02-04T02:57:00.001-08:00

Wednesday 4 February 2009

Immediately Release Imprisoned Iranian Women’s Rights Activists

International Women’s Day is being welcomed on several fronts—by women’s rights activists and by those intent on impeding the Iranian women’s movement. It seems that women’s rights defenders have to greet pressure, prison, and heavy sentences, as the delight of commemorating International Women’s Day has been darkened by the sadness of the imprisonment of women’s rights activists—by the imprisonment of our colleagues.

These peaceful warriors of justice are being imprisoned at a time when their call for justice has slowly rendered progress and has softened the hard and unyielding core of unjust laws, so that women’s lack of rights in our country can slowly be remedied. The examples of the increased backlash are plentiful. The implementation of the sentence in the case of Alieh Eghdamdoust, a lonely woman on the verge of a cold season, who has sacrificed her life in a struggle for justice, means that she now has to spend three years in prison. Further, Nafiseh Azad, a member of the One Million Signatures Campaign, has been arrested and is now in Vozara Detention Center for the mere act of collecting signatures and working to raise women’s awareness. These are only two of the real examples of the increased pressures placed on women’s rights activists.

Alieh Eghdamdoust is one of the women’s rights activists arrested in the June 12, 2006 protest in support of women’s rights in Hafte Tir Square in Tehran. She was sentenced to three years and four months imprisonment and 20 lashings in her original trial and in appeals three years of her prison sentence was upheld. On January 31, 2009 she was transferred under guard from Fouman City in the north of Iran, to Evin prison in Tehran, in such a manner that she wasn’t even able to contact her friends, so they could accompany her to prison. Alieh Eghdamdoust is the first woman’s rights activist to have her prison sentence implemented. Does this mark the end of peaceful activism by women’s rights defenders?

Nafiseh Azad, one of the activists of the One Million Signatures Campaign, was arrested on January 30, 2009 in the Tochal Mountains north of Tehran along with two other activists while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition. Despite the simultaneous arrest of these three activists two of them were released on a third party guarantee within a day, but Nafiseh, who was arrested because she tried to support her two colleagues by requesting that the police release them, has been detained and interrogated for several days in Vozara Detention Center since. The charges against her and the subject of her interrogations do not correspond with the reason for her arrest, and as such constitute clear violations of the law and her civil rights. Meanwhile security forces have stormed the home of Nafiseh Azad and violently searched her premises, seizing personal property.

These excessive actions against women’s rights activists occur despite the fact that their actions and activities are absolutely legal and in accordance with the constitution and in line with their civil rights.

We, the signatories of this petition, strongly demand an end to these illegal and violent actions against women’s rights activists and in particular those involved in the One Million Signatures Campaign. Additionally, we urge Iranian authorities to drop all charges against women’s rights defenders and immediately release those imprisoned. We further demand that instead of resorting to illegal actions against women’s rights defenders, Iranian officials, lawmakers, and the judiciary take positive and proactive steps to reexamine and reform discriminatory laws against women.

Sign the Online Petition

Violent Search of Nafiseh Azad's Home and Seizure of Property

2009-02-03T09:26:00.000-08:00

Change for Equality: February 3, 2009: Security Officials from the Special Security Branch of the Office of the Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Courts stormed the home of imprisoned Campaign member and women's rights activist Nafiseh Azad and seized her personal property as well as the property of her housemates. During this search and seizure operation officials violently beat Elnaz Ansari, another member of the Campaign and Nafiseh's housemate and beat and handcuffed Vahid Maleki (Nafiseh's husband).

Nafiseh is a graduate student and lives with Elnaz Ansari and Aida Saadat, her two housemates in Tehran. Her husband has come to Tehran from Isfahan to follow the case of his wife, who was imprisoned on Friday January 30, 2009, while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign's petition. During this violent search and seizure operation, three officials from the Revolutionary Courts confiscated Nafiseh Azad's personal property as well as the lap top of Elnaz Ansari and documents belonging to Aida Saadat.

Elnaz Ansari's objections to the security officials with respect to the search of her property and seizure of her laptop computer resulted in violence. Security officials forcefully took these items from Elnaz. Mr. Maleki, who attempted to prevent the beating of Elnaz Ansari by the security officials, was beaten as well and then handcuffed for the remainder of the time, while security agents continued with their violent search and seizure of Azad's home.

It is important to note that the court order allowing for the search of the premises and the seizure of property explicitly stated that only property belonging to Nafiseh Azad and in relation to the Campaign should be searched and seized. The property that was seized in direct violation of this court order included a large quantity of films, books, personal notebooks, and work related papers of Nafiseh's housemates, as well as Elnaz Ansari's laptop computer.

Elan Ansari explains the events as follows: "When the officials came to our house, I explained that Aida and I were housemates with Nafiseh. Because the court order allowed them to only search Nafiseh's property, Vahid, Nafiseh's husband, took the officials to Nafiseh's room and identified her property. While the search was taking place I got a phone call on my mobile phone, which I answered. One of the security officers demanded that I hang up the phone, and when I refused, he threatened me, lurched towards me and attacked me. Vahid Maleki intervened to try to prevent the security official from beating me. As a result he too was beaten and then handcuffed."

Elnaz continued by explaining that: "the security officials then confiscated my mobile phone by force and violence and then my laptop while beating me. Despite my insistence that the laptop belonged to me and despite the fact that I showed them that the documents in the laptop were in fact in my name, they still confiscated my laptop. I kept insisting that neither my name nor Aida's name had been mentioned in the court order. So, I kept asking for a court order for the search of my belonging and the seizure of my property. Nafiseh's husband had also gone to great lengths on the way over to our home to explain our living situation. In response the security officials had promised him that they would only search Nafiseh's belongings and that they would not seize any property. While confiscating my property as well as Aida's the security officials continued beating Nafiseh Azad's husband, despite the fact that he had been handcuffed."
She explains further: "the security officials ransacked our home, all the while cursing, and insulting us. They took DVDs, CDs, handwritten documents which I was typing as part of a project unrelated to the Campaign, and they took bags belonging to Nafiseh, Aida and myself. All this occurred despite the fact that the court order explicitly stated that they should only take documents related to Campaign and belonging to Nafiseh Azad."

Nafiseh Azad was arrested while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign's petition along with two other members of the Campaign, on January 30, 2009. While the other two members were released within a day on a third party guarantee, the arrest order for Nafiseh Azad was extended. She is now in detention in Vozara Detention Center and being interrogated, as the investigation into her activities in the Campaign and in defense of women's rights continues.

--

www.forequality.info/english
www.we-change.org/english

HRW: World Report

2009-01-25T08:19:00.000-08:00

Iran

Downloadable Resources:

World Report Chapter: Iran (PDF)

Events of 2008
With the government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad continuing to invoke "national security" as a justification for silencing dissent, 2008 saw a dramatic rise in arrests of political activists, academics, and others for peacefully exercising their rights of free expression and association in Iran. There were numerous reports of the torture and mistreatment of such detainees. The Judiciary, accountable to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and the Ministry of Intelligence continued to be responsible for many serious human rights violations. The number of executions also increased sharply in 2008.

Freedom of Expression and Assembly

Iranian authorities systematically suppress freedom of expression and opinion by imprisoning journalists and editors, and strictly controlling publishing and academic activity. Most journalists arrested in 2008 were targeted for covering ethnic minority issues and civil society activities, and the National Security Council has given newspapers formal and informal warnings against covering issues such as human rights violations and social protests. The few independent dailies that remain heavily self-censor.

Many writers and intellectuals who have evaded imprisonment have left the country or ceased to be critical. The government has fired dissident university professors or forced them into early retirement, a trend that intensified in 2008. State universities also recently began banning some politically active students from registering for their next semester, putting pressure on student associations and their supporters to not criticize the government.

In 2008 the authorities continued to target student and internet journalists. The government systematically blocks Iranian and foreign websites that carry political news and analysis.

The Ahmadinejad government shows no tolerance for peaceful protests and gatherings. Security forces arrested over a hundred student activists in 2008, often without informing their families of the arrests. According to some of the imprisoned students and their families, security forces subjected these students to mistreatment and abuse during their detention.

Civil Society

The government has increased pressure on civil society organizations that call for human rights and freedom of speech by restricting their activities and barring activists from leaving the country. These include the Center for Defenders of Human Rights, led by 2003 Noble Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi, and the Association of Iranian Journalists. On October 2 Iran's official news agency warned Ebadi, a lawyer who publically criticizes the government and regularly defends political and human rights cases in court, not to "misuse the tolerance of the government." The Malaysian foreign ministry, under pressure from the Iranian government, forced the International Peace Foundation to cancel an October 2008 conference that Ebadi was due to attend. Earlier in the year Ebadi had received death threats. In response, she announced that the Iranian government would be held responsible for any harm to her. The authorities later promised to guarantee her safety.

Government intelligence officials forced Mohammad Sadigh Kaboudvand, a journalist and human rights activist in the western province of Kurdistan, to shut down his NGO Defending the Human Rights in Kurdistan, and in July 2007 arrested him. He was sentenced to 11 years' imprisonment in June 2008 for acting against national security and engaging in propaganda against the state.
Criminal Justice and the Juvenile Death Penalty

Iranian law allows death sentences for persons who have reached puberty, defined in law as age 9 for girls and 15 for boys. At this writing, Iran was the only country to have executed juvenile offenders in 2008, a total of six persons for crimes committed while under age 18. The country carried out 26 of the 32 known executions of juvenile offenders worldwide since January 2005. According to multiple sources, at least 130 other juvenile offenders are on death row in Iran. In many cases these sentences followed unfair trials, and the executions themselves sometimes violated Iranian national laws, such as the failure to notify families and lawyers of the execution 48 hours in advance.

On August 4, 2008, the Judiciary cancelled the execution by stoning of four Iranians. The Judiciary spokesman said that it would review all pending stoning sentences. However, stoning remains a sentence permitted under the penal code.

Women's Rights

The government escalated its crackdown on women's rights activists in 2008, subjecting dozens of women to arbitrary detention, travel bans, and harassment. Eight women's rights activists were arrested in June as they were commemorating a 2006 meeting on women's rights that was broken up by police. In October an Iranian-American student researching women's rights in Iran, Esha Momeni, was arrested and held for some three weeks in Tehran's Evin prison. Security agents seized her computer and footage of interviews she had conducted with women's rights activists. Later that month, security agents blocked Sussan Tahmasebi, a leader of the One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality, from boarding a plane and confiscated her passport, without charging her with any crime. The Judiciary has also prosecuted women involved in peaceful activities on behalf of the campaign for "disturbing public opinion," "propaganda against the order," and "publishing lies via the publication of false news."
In September an appeals court in Tehran upheld prison and lashing sentences against two women's rights activists, Massoumeh Zia and Marzieh Mortazi Langrudi, for taking part in a 2006 demonstration demanding equal rights. Four women were also sentenced earlier in the year to six months in jail each for writing articles for feminist websites.

In January 2008 the authorities released Maryam Hosseinkhah and Jelveh Javaheri from Evin prison, where they were serving sentences for "disturbing public opinion" and "publishing lies." Two other activists, Ronak Safazadeh and Hana Abdi, remain in detention in Sanandaj on charges of "endangering national security." Prior to their arrest they were active members of the Azarmehr Association of the Women of Kurdistan, a group that organizes capacity-building workshops for women in Iranian Kurdistan.

Minorities

Iran's ethnic and religious minorities are subject to discrimination and, in some cases, persecution. In the northwestern provinces of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, the government restricts cultural and political activities by the Azerbaijani and Kurdish populations, including the operation of NGOs that focus on social issues. The government also restricts the promotion of minority cultures and languages. On September 10, for example, plainclothes Intelligence Ministry agents arrested 19 prominent Azerbaijani cultural activists and academics during a private Ramadan celebration and detained them in Evin Prison. The Iranian government accuses them of siding with armed opposition groups and acting against national security.

On September 30, Molavi Abdolhamid, one of the most prominent Sunni clerics in Iran, said that if the government failed to address the problems of the Sunni community, including discrimination, its members would be unlikely to participate in the presidential election in 2009.

The 2008 execution of two Sunni clerics in Zahedan, the assassination of two Sunni clerics in Kurdistan, the destruction of the Abu-Hanifeh Sunni religious school near Zahedan, and the arrest of 11 Sunni clerics who protested against this assault, coupled with systematic efforts to remove Sunni citizens from governmental positions, the army, and the police force, are among the major criticisms Abdolhamid leveled against the government.

The government continues to deny Iran's Baha'i community permission to worship publicly or pursue religious activities. On May 14, security forces arrested six leading Baha'i adherents and members of the Baha'i national coordination group, without informing them of the charges against them, and sent them to Evin prison. One associate of this group had already been arrested on March 5. At this writing, all seven remain in detention.

HIV/AIDS

In late June security forces detained without charge Arash and Kamyar Alaei, who are well known in Iran and internationally for their contributions to HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment programs; they remain in detention at this writing. For more than 20 years the Alaei brothers have been active in addressing problems relating to drug use, with a focus on the spread of HIV/AIDS, and have played key roles in putting these issues on the national healthcare agenda.

Key International Actors

In 2008 Iran's nuclear program again dominated discussions and policies in the international arena, overshadowing the urgency of discussing Iran's human rights violations. During Ahmadinejad's presidency, critical dialogue between the West and the Iranian government on human rights issues effectively stopped. The European Union has pledged to tie progress in broader cooperation with Iran to respect for human rights, but the pledge has had little impact. The United Nations Security Council has adopted three resolutions since 2007 to sanction Iran economically for its nuclear program.

In 2008 Iran continued to use what it calls "foreign threats" as grounds to suppress civil society and ignore widespread domestic and international objections to human rights violations. The authorities use the rhetorical support of Western countries, especially the United States, for dissidents and human rights activists as an excuse to restrict the freedom of expression and assembly within the country.

The Iranian government has not allowed the UN Human Rights Council's special rapporteurs to enter Iran and investigate violations of human rights alleged by activists, the media, and independent sources since 2005.

Demand Justice for Prominent HIV/AIDS Researchers Sentenced to Prison

2009-01-20T14:50:00.000-08:00

Brothers Arash Alaei and Kamiar Alaei, doctors specializing in the prevention and treatment of HIV and AIDS, were tried on 31 December 2008 for plotting to overthrow the Iranian government and other charges in proceedings that did not meet international standards for fair trial. The Iranian government announced on 19 January 2009 that they have been sentenced to an unspecified prison sentence.

Arash and Kamiar Alaei had been arrested in June 2008 and held without charge for six months. The brothers were given a one-day trial before Tehran’s Revolutionary Court, along with two other individuals. They were accused of involvement in an attempt to overthrow the government. The prosecutor withheld some of the charges they faced, giving the brothers no opportunity to refute the charges. The prosecutor also submitted secret evidence the brothers’ lawyer did not have the opportunity to examine or refute. The two doctors are known to have been charged under article 508 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code with “cooperating” with an “enemy government,” which carries a penalty of between one and ten years’ imprisonment.

Amnesty International is concerned the charges against Arash and Kamiar Alaei, and the allegations of their involvement in a plot to overthrow the government, are based solely on vaguely-worded national security laws. Amnesty International is concerned that the brothers are prisoners of conscience, targeted solely for their internationally recognized medical research and advocacy efforts and for their peaceful collaboration with non-governmental organizations in other countries.

Take Action

Please write to the following officials:

President
His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency
Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection
Tehran, ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Email: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir

Minister of Intelligence
His Excellency Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie
Ministry of Information
Second Negarestan Street
Pasdaran Avenue
Tehran, ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN

Head of the Judiciary
His Excellency Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh /
Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri
Tehran 1316814737,
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Email: shahroudi@dadgostary-tehran.ir (In subject line write: FAO Ayatollah Shahroudi)

Dear Your Excellency:
I am writing to you to express my deep concern about the conviction of the brothers Arash and Kamiar Alaei, on vague charges of plotting to overthrow the Iranian government. The brothers were given a one-day trial on 31 December 2008 that failed to adhere to internationally accepted standards for fair trial; the brothers and their lawyers were not informed of all the charges against them and were not therefore given the opportunity to refute the charges. The Iranian government announced on 19 January 2009 that they were sentenced to an unspecified period of time in prison.

The Alaei brothers are physicians, widely recognized for their work in the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS. They traveled outside Iran and took part in international conferences as part of their research and advocacy activities. They were arrested in June 2008 and had been held in Evin Prison in Tehran for six months without charge with limited access to their families and attorneys.

I urge you to fully disclose all the charges brought against Kamiar and Arash Alaei. I also urge that while they are in detention that they be treated humanely and given access to their families and attorneys. Kamiar and Arash Alaei appear to be prisoners of conscience, targeted for their medical research and advocacy efforts and their collaboration with non-governmental organizations outside Iran. I therefore urge that unless they are tried for internationally recognizable criminal offenses in proceedings that meet internationally recognized fair trial standards, that they be immediately released. Thank you very much for your attention.

Sincerely,

Background
Arash and Kamiar Alaei are known for their work on HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, especially for their work to prevent the spread of HIV among drug users. Both doctors have traveled abroad because of their work. Kamiar Alaei is a doctoral candidate at the State University of New York’s Albany School of Public Health and holds a Masters degree in International Health from the Harvard University School of Public Health. Earlier this year, the Asia Society, a US-based non-governmental organization, named him as a Fellow, “one of 23 new Fellows identified as being among the most promising trendsetters and emerging leaders in the Asia-Pacific region.” Arash Alaei is the former Director of the International Education and Research Cooperation of the Iranian National Research Institute of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease. They have run HIV/AIDS treatment and prevention programs in Iran, focusing particularly on at risk sectors like prostitutes and drug users. They have also held training courses for Afghan and Tajik medical workers. Neither is known to have been involved in political activities.

The brothers’ work with drug addicts and prostitutes in Tehran was featured in a 2004 BBC television documentary, Mohammed and the Matchmaker, in which Kamiar Alaei said: "We face a huge potential HIV problem in Iran, and in order to start to confront it we need to talk about the root causes […] Many people are still afraid to talk about it. Some people with HIV are ostracized and stigmatized, and they are often very isolated."

The Alaeis’ efforts expanded the expertise of doctors in the region, advanced the progress of medical science, and earned Iran recognition as a model of best practice by the World Health Organization. Iran’s response to HIV/AIDS has been accorded international respect, particularly the preventative measures promoted by Arash and Kamiar Alaei. According to the 2008 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic published by UNAIDS on 29 July 2008 “the… support for needle exchange projects in countries such as the Islamic Republic of Iran… serve as clear examples of courageous, visionary leadership in the response to HIV.” However, the government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which took office in August 2005, has started to remove its support for such centers.

Dr Arash Alaei was arrested by Iranian security forces on 22 June 2008.The following morning, they escorted him to his mother’s house in Tehran, where they arrested his brother, Dr Kamiar Alaei They also seized documents belonging to the brothers. They were held at Evin Prison in Tehran. There were reports that they were held in solitary confinement for periods of time. On 3 August, Tehran's deputy prosecutor Hassan Haddad was quoted as saying, "A case has been filed whose defendants are two brothers. They held conferences on such topics as AIDS, which drew the attention of domestic and foreign organizations and NGOs," and that "they would organize foreign trips for people and train them. They were aware of what they were doing, and their training was of the nature of a velvet revolution." At the time of their trial on 31 December 2008, the brothers had been held five months longer than Iran’s Code of Criminal Procedures allows. Article 33 of the Code calls for cases to be settled within one month of arrest, and although temporary extensions to the detention order are allowed; it is not clear in the brothers’ case that the detention orders were, as required, documented, nor whether they had the opportunity to challenge the order.

Iranian Judiciary spokesperson Alireza Jamshidi told a news conference on 13 January 2009 that four Iranian citizens had been arrested and brought to the court on charges of “communications with an enemy government” and seeking to overthrow the Iranian government under article 508 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code. Jamshidi claimed: "They were linked to the CIA, backed by the US government and State Department... They recruited and trained people to work with different espionage networks to launch a velvet overthrow of the Iranian government". Jamshidi added that further details of the case would be forthcoming in the next two days. He had previously stated at a press conference on 30 December 2008 that Kamiar and Arash Alaei faced charges of “acting against national security through cooperating with America,” “propaganda against the system” and “membership in groups hostile to the system.” The prosecution is said to have cited the brothers' participation at international AIDS conferences as part of their scheme to foment a so-called "velvet revolution" against Tehran.One of the charges appears to be Article 508 of Iran’s Penal Code. It allows up to ten years’ imprisonment for “cooperation” with an “enemy government,” though the Penal Code is silent as to what constitutes “cooperation” or what is meant by an “enemy government.” Amnesty International has repeatedly drawn attention to the catalogue of vaguely worded articles relating to association and ''national security'' in Iran’s Penal Code. These prohibit a range of activities, such as those connected with public discourse, and, as in this case, contact with international bodies.
The conduct of their one-day trial did not meet the most basic fair trial standards. The prosecutor was said to have refused to disclose in court some of the charges faced by the brothers, so that their lawyer, Masoud Shafie, did not know all the charges they faced in order to prepare an effective defense; he was not allowed to review all the evidence nor reportedly given adequate opportunities to refute the prosecution's case.On 19 January 2009 The Iranian State News Agency (IRNA) reported that the two brothers were among four men sentenced to prison for allegedly participating in a U.S.-backed plot to overthrow Iran's Islamic regime. IRNA said that the Alaei brothers and the two other defendants were convicted of recruiting dozens of others and planned to recruit more Iranian doctors, university professors and scientists to provide information to the United States on Iran's infrastructure and civil defense. "They aimed at creating social crisis, street demonstrations and ethnic disputes," the report quoted the general director of the counterespionage section of Iran's Intelligence Ministry as saying, without providing his name. He said the CIA spent some $32 million on the plot and accused the United States of stationing intelligence agents in neighboring countries, such as the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Kuwait and Azerbaijan. IRNA did not report the length of the prison sentences that were imposed.

The prosecution of Arash and Kamyar Alaei has raised an outcry among international human rights groups, including Physicians for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. In January 2009 more than 2,000 people from around the globe contacted the Iranian Mission to the UN in New York City, demanding the Alaeis’ release. In addition 3,100 doctors, nurses and public health workers from 85 countries have signed an online petition demanding their release, which can be viewed at IranFreeTheDocs.org. Leading physicians and public health specialists and numerous medical and scientific organizations have publicly called for the brothers’ release, including HIV/AIDS and health experts luminaries: Global Fund Executive Director Professor Michel Kazatchkine; Partners in Health co-founder Dr. Paul Farmer; 2008 MacArthur Foundation Genius Grant recipient Wafaa El-Sadr, MD, MPH; Hossam E. Fadel, MD, of the Islamic Medical Association of North America; 1993 Nobel Laureate in Medicine Sir Richard Roberts PhD, FRS; and Ugandan AIDS pioneer Dr. Peter Mugyenyi. Iran is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is obligated to pertain to the obligations of this Covenant. These include: refraining from arbitrary arrests and detention, announcing reasons of arrest with no delay, announcing charges under which the victims are detained, allowing the right to defense and to have a legal defense, and also allowing the victim to be present when charges are ruled.

Letter to UN Seretary-General

2009-01-12T09:06:00.000-08:00

The Honorable Ban Ki-moon
Secretary-General
United Nations
Secretariat Building, Room S-3800
New York, NY 10017

January 12, 2009

Dear Secretary-General

Re: The forcible closure of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders in Tehran

As you are aware, on 21 December 2008, the security and intelligence authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran closed down and sealed the Tehran-based Centre for Human Rights Defenders CHRD), without any court order or any other legal warrant or document. It has not been allowed to be reopened yet.

The CHRD was co-founded by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shirin Ebadi with the help of other well known human rights and peace activists in Iran.
The right to establish and run organizations such as CHRD is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (Article 26), which indicates the formation of political parties, and/or non-governmental organizations, does not depend on acquisition of legal permission. However, in order to obtain so-called governmental support or facilities, organizations are required to register with the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Centre has repeatedly sought legal registration since its inception eight years ago but the requests have been ignored by the government. However the issue of non-legality has never been raised by the authorities in the past 8 years.

The right to establish such a centre and the right to pursue its objectives is not only guaranteed by the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, but is also enshrined in both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 20) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 21). Our country, Iran, is a signatory of both the Declaration and the Convention.
Moreover, the closure of CHRD by Iran’s government is in clear breach of the UN General Assembly’s Resolution of 1998, known as "The Declaration on human rights defenders" which explicitly declares:

“Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels.” (Article 1)

Two days after the closure and sealing of the Centre’s office, a group of plain-clothed individuals, unlawfully entered the private law office of Dr. Ebadi and seized confidential client documents and two computers. This unlawful act took place under police surveillance. Police took no steps to prevent it.

On the basis of the facts set out above, we, the signatories of this letter:

· Declare our appreciation and support for Shirin Ebadi - a widely recognized international human rights figure and a great source of pride for Iran - and for the humane efforts of Centre for Human Rights Defenders;

· Condemn the closure of the CHRD office and of the behavior of the Iranian government toward Ms Shirin Ebadi, which not only breaches the Constitution of the Islamic Republic (Article 26) but also contravenes the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

· Demand the prosecution of those who issued the unlawful order to close down the CHRD office and those responsible for raiding Ms. Ebadi's law office and the seizure of her client documents.

· Strongly urge the immediate unsealing and reopening of the CHRD office in Tehran, as well as the payment of legal damages and the issuing of an apology by the Islamic Republic government to Dr. Ebadi, for the failure to protect her office from the unlawful raid and seizures.

· Sincerely hope that the Secretary General exercises his good offices to approach the President, the Head of the Judiciary and the Speaker of the Parliament of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and asks that the Iranian government allows the Centre to resume its normal activities.

We hope that through your good offices, a positive response can be obtained from the authorities in Iran. However, should they decide not to comply with national and international law and to continue their blatant violation of the basic rights of the Iranian people, we will pursue all legal means at our disposal to compel the government to reopen the Centre.

Signatories:
1
Surname
Name
Country
Town
2
Aalipor
Maysam
Iran
Isfahan
3
Abbassi
Bahram
Holland

4
Abbassi
Keykavoos
Sweden

5
Abbaszadeh
Mashalah
Turkey

6
Abdolrahimpou
Majid
Germany
Hanover
7
Abedpour
Zia
Sweden
Malmo
8
Afshari
Ali
USA

9
Agah
Hoomira
Belgium
Bruxelles
10
Ahangari
Kaveh

11
Ahmadi
Daryoush
Germany
Berlin
12
Ahmadi
Khosro
UK
London
13
Ahmadian
Parisa
Germany
Frankfurt
14
Akbari
Asghar

15
Alamdari
Kazem
California
Los Angeles
16
Alavai
Masoud
San francisco
USA
17
Alavi
Hossein
Germany
Berlin
18
Alavi
Masoud
USA
San Francisco
19
Alavi
Masood
USA
San Fransisco
20
Alikhani
Reza
Taiwan

21
Alipoor
Meysam
Iran
Esfahan
22
Amin Ave
Kamran
Germany

23
Amini
Mehdi
USA
Washington
24
Amiri
Kamran
Austria
Vienna
25
Amirkhosravi
Arvand
Norway

26
Amir-Khosravi
Babak
France
Paris
27
Ammari
Manaf
Norway
Oslo
28
Ansari
Wahab
Germany
Cologne
29
Ansari
Mansour
France
Paris
30
Anzali
Shahin
Austria
Vienna
31
Arabsolghar
Fatemeh

32
Asadi Savad Kohi
Hoshang
Sweden
Stockholm
33
Aski
Keyvan
Germany

34
Assari
Manouchehr

35
Atabak
Seid Ghodratollah
France
Grenoble
36
Atari
Abdolvahab

37
Atri
Akbar
USA

38
Azad
Ayande
Austria
Vienna
39
Azadeh
Bahram
UK
Liverpool
40
Azadeh
Bahram
United Kingdom
Liverpool
41
Azari
Masoud
Sweden
Stockholm
42
Azimi
Farzaneh
Austria
Vienna
43
Baghai
Fariborz
Germany
Frankfurt
44
Bagherpoor
Danesh

45
Bahmani
Mohamad
California
Los Angeles
46
Bajoghli
Rahim
USA
Virginia
47
Bakhshi Zadeh
Marziyeh
Iran
Tehran
48
Baktash
Cyrus
USA

49
Barati
Mehran
Germany
Berlin
50
Barzanjah
Mohammad
Canada
Montreal
51
Bashar Doost
Laleh
Germany
Cologne
52
Basiri
Nasrin
Germany
Berlin
53
Bayat
Behrouz
Austria
vienna
54
Bayat
Behruz
Austria
Vienna
55
Behrooz
hamid
Germany

56
Behzadifar
Farshid
UAE
Sharjeh
57
Beigi
Hooman
USA
Maryland
58
Beridnazif
Motahareh
Iran
Mashhad
59
Beygi
Hooman
USA
Maryland
60
Beyzaie
Niloofar
Germany

61
Biary
Hadi
Germany
Frankfurt
62
Biniaz
Beytolah
Germany
Cologne
63
Borghei
Mohammad
USA
Virginia
64
Borhan
Arjang

65
Borhan Azad
Arzhang
Germany
Koln
66
Borzoie
Ali
Germany

67
Borzu
Ali
Veenendaal
Holland
68
bulent kilic
m.

69
Charandabi
Reza
Germany
Frankfurt
70
Cheraghi
Mohammad
Germany
Cologne
71
Dadbae
Hassan
Canada

72
Daghighian
Shirindokht
USA
Los Angeles
73
Darabi
Nasser
USA
Oregan
74
Darvishpour
Mehrdad
Sweden
Stockholm
75
Darvishpour
Hassan
Germany

76
Davoudi Mohajer
Faribi
USA

77
Dehnavi
Mehdi
Sweden
Stockholm
78
Doostdar
Akbar
Germany
Dortmond
79
Eftekhari
Bijan
Austria
Vienna
80
Ehsani pour
mehrdad
Germany
Cologne
81
Entesari
Parastoo
England

82
esfandarmaz
sherin
Belgium
Bruxelles
83
esfandarmaz
Kati
Belgium
Bruxelles
84
Eshtehard
Parwin

85
Eskandar Assari
Abollah

86
Eski
Keyvan
Germany

87
Fadai
Behrooz
Holland

88
Fahimifar
Hadi
Sweden
Stockholm
89
Fallah
Shokr
Australia
Brisbane
90
Fani Yazdi
Reza
USA
California
91
Farahani
Fereshte
Holland

92
Farahani
Fereshteh

93
Farhangi
Elizabeth
USA

94
Farhoudi
Vida
France
Poete
95
Farid
Siamak
Belgium
Bruxelles
96
farkhondeh
hamid
Sweden
Stockholm
97
Farmanesh
Hossein

98
Farmanesh
Hamila

99
Farmanesh
Hossein
USA
Los Angeles
100
Farmanesh
Hamila
USA
Los Angeles
101
Fatahpoor
Mehdi

102
Fathi
Masoud
Austria
Vienna
103
Feghih
Hossein
USA

104
Firoozi
Alireza
Iran
Tehran
105
Forooghi
Mehrdad
Netherlands
Amesterdam
106
Forouhar
Parstou
Germany

107
Fouladi
Firooze
USA

108
Ganjbakhsh
Amir Hossein
USA
Washington
109
Ghaemmaghami
Ali
USA

110
Ghanad
Babak
Iran
Tehran
111
Ghanbari
Ali Akbar
Germany

112
Gharabaqi
Ali Reza

113
Ghasemi
Farhang

114
Ghayoumi
Rahim
Germany
Dusseldorf
115
Ghazi
Fereshte

116
Ghemi
Mojgan
USA

117
Ghorbani
Mehrdad
Iran
Tehran
118
Haghighi
Fereshteh
Austria
Vienna
119
Hamid
Hamid

120
Hamidi
Nasrin
Holland

121
Hamidi
hamid
Holland

122
Hamidi
Hamid

123
Hamidi
Nasrin

124
Hashemi
Gita
Belgium
Bruxelles
125
Hashemi
Nader
USA
Denver
126
Havarinasab
Khalil
Germany
Cologne
127
Heidarveis
Parivash
Belgium

128
Hekmat
Bijan
France
Paris
129
Hekmati
Nahid
USA

130
Hemmati
Masoud
Belgium

131
Hemmati
Nasrin
Belgium
Bruxelles
132
Heydarian
Mohsen
Sweden
Goteborg
133
Homamina
Mohammad
Belgium
Bruxelles
134
hoseinzadeh
jafar
Belgium
Bruxelles
135
Hosseini
Seyed Mehdi
England

136
Hosseinpoor Khaledian
Houshang

137
Hurts
Dina
Belgium
Bruxelles
138
Iman Zadeh
Simin
Germany
Koln
139
Imanzadeh
Simin
Germany
Cologne
140
Impertro-Ghasemi
Akhtar
Germany
Cologne
141
Irani
Niki
USA

142
Irani
Masoud

143
Izad
Sima
Germany
Frankfurt
144
Jadehdoostan
Mohsen
Germany

145
Jafari
Atefeh
Germany
Cologne
146
Jafari
Hassan
Germany
Berlin
147
Jafari
Sadigheh
Germany

148
Jafarian
Mehrnaz
Iran
Tehran
149
Jahangiri
Navid
Canada
Calgary
150
Jahangiri
Mahshid
Belgium
Bruxelles
151
Jamalzahie
Abbas
Germany

152
Javad
Mohamad
USA
Dallas, Texas
153
Javaheri
Farzad

154
Jazini
Kaveh
Germany
Cologne
155
Joshani
Reza
Germany
Berlin
156
Kalaei
Ali

157
Kanzali
behrooz
USA

158
Kargar
Sadegh
Norway
Oslo
159
Karimi
Behzad
Holland

160
Karimi
Mohammad
Germany

161
Karimi
Nasrin
Germany

162
Karimi
Reza
Sweden
Stockholm
163
Karimi Hakkak
Ahmad
USA
Maryland
164
kashfi
Samsam
USA
Maryland
165
Kaviani
Reza
Germany
Berlin
166
Keshavarz
Sohil

167
Keshavarz
Ali
Belgium

168
Keshavarz
Mehran
Norway

169
Khaligh
Behrooz
Germany
Cologne
170
Khanbaba Tehrani
Mehdi
Germany
Frankfurt
171
Khorami
Hossein
Ger

172
Khorsand
Asghar
Austria
Vienna
173
Khun-Jush
Jamshid
Germany
Nuernberg
174
Kiani
Tahmoures

175
Kor
Youfef
Germany
Berlin
176
Lahbi
Omid
France
Strasburg
177
Larimi
Ali
Germany
Bonn
178
Liaghat
Esmaeil

179
Limakesh
Mazdak

180
Madani
Mehrdad
Canada

181
Maghsoodi
Mehrdad
Sweden

182
Mahbaz
Effat
UK
London
183
Mahbaz
Mehdi
Uk
London
184
Mahdi
Akbar
USA

185
Mahjoobi
Ali
Germany
Berlin
186
Mahmoodian
Behrooz
Australia
Sydney
187
Mahmoudi
Nima
Italy

188
Mahmoudi
Azar
Germany

189
Mahshid
Bita
Belgium
Bruxelles
190
Majd Zadeh
Bahar

191
Majlesi
Reza

192
Malak Mohamadi
Morteza
Germany
Frankfurt
193
Malakuti
Sirus
UK
London
194
Malakuti
Sirus
England
London
195
Maleki
Raheleh
Iran
Tehran
196
Malekzadeh
Ali

197
mandegar
hamid
Belgium
Bruxelles
198
Maneli
Nili
Indonisia

199
mansour safaeian
kazem
Belgium
Bruxelles
200
mansour safaeian
parham
Belgium
Bruxelles
201
Mara'ashi
Manijeh

202
Mashayekhi
Mehrdad
USA
Washington
203
Mashoof
Ahmad
Canada

204
Massoumi,
Mehdi
Iran
Tehran
205
Mehrban
Khosro
Belgium
Bruxelles
206
Mehrnoush
Mehdi

207
Memarhosseini
Mehri
Germany
Aachen
208
Memarzadeh
Hossein

209
Merati
Kambiz

210
Mir Ebrahimi
Roozbeh
USA
New York
211
Mir Fakhraii
Mehran
Italy
Bologna
212
Mir Hosseini
Arash
Belgium
Bruxelles
213
Mir Sattari
Anvar

214
Mirhaj
Nahid

215
Mirhaj
Nahid

216
Mirmoayadi
Miralireza
Germany
Aachen
217
Mirzavand
Mahmoud

218
Mobarhan
Ali
USA
Virginia
219
Modarres
Farkhondeh

220
Mohammadi
Maliheh
Germany
Berlin
221
Mohammadi
Sara

222
Mohammadi
Ahmad
France
Poitiers
223
Mohammadi
Monireh
Canada

224
Mohseni
Parvin

225
Moin
Hesam
Belgium
Bruxelles
226
Mokhlesi
Vargha
Iran
Tehran
227
Mokhtari
Sohrab
Germany
Berlin
228
Moloudizadeh
Mahmoud
Germany

229
Mombini
Amir
Sweden
Stockholm
230
Momeni
Khalil

231
Mootab
Ramin
Iran
Tabriz
232
Moradi
Daryoush
Germany
Cologne
233
Moradi
Ebrahim
Cypress

234
Motlagh
Hesam
Turkey

235
Moussawi
Farah

236
Munesi
Davood

237
Naderi
Hassan
France
Paris
238
Naderi
Mike
USA

239
Nafeei
Reza
Germany
Huerth
240
Nagchin
Taher
France
Paris
241
Nahidpour
Nushin
UK
London
242
Najafi
Samad
USA

243
Nasiri
Babak
Australia
Melborn
244
Navaian
Davoud
Sweden
Gothenburg
245
Navidi
Amador

246
Nayeb Hashem
Hassan
Austria
Vienna
247
Naz
Sahar
Belgium
Bruxelles
248
Nazem
Ahmed
Germany

249
Negahdar
Farrokh
UK
London
250
Nejati
Ahmad

251
Nikravesh
Ali
Belgium

252
Niroomand
Bahman
Germany

253
Noori
Ahmad
Germany
Berlin
254
Olad Azami
Nikrooz
Sweden
Stockholm
255
Omid Mehr
Ali Akbar
Denmark
Copenhagen
256
Omidvar
Majid

257
Ordoukhani
Abolfazll
Belgium
Bruxelles
258
Paki
Morteza
Canada

259
Parsi
Koushyar
Holland

260
Parviz
Alireza
Iran
Tehran
261
Parzin
Habib
Germany
Cologne
262
Peeroozi
Ardalan

263
Piroozram
Mahoumood
Sweden
Stockholm
264
Pirzadeh
Bijan
USA
Los Angeles
265
Poormoradi
Farzad

266
Pourmandi
Ahmad
Germany
Munich
267
Pour-naghavi
Ali
Holland
Utricht
268
Rabia'i
Farah
Sweden
Gothenberge
269
Radboy
Ali

270
Rahimi
Mehrangiz
Germany
Cologne
271
Rahimi
Ali
France
Paris
272
Rahmani
Bahram
Sweden
Stockholm
273
Rahmanian
Bijan
Austria
Vienna
274
Raian
John

275
Ramazani
Rahim
Turkey
Wan
276
Ramezani
Rahim
Turkey
Van
277
Ramezani Rad
Massoud
Germany
Dusseldorf
278
Rashidi
Adeleh
Iran
Tabriz
279
Rashvandi Sardai
Yoosef
Italy
Bologna
280
Rasta
Manouchehr

281
Razavi
Rasoul
Germany
Bonn
282
Rezaei
Mina
Germany

283
Rezaei
Hassan
Germany
Freiburg
284
Rezazadeh
Saloomeh
Iran
Tehran
285
Rezvan
Azita

286
Rokhsani
Khashayar
Germany
Manheim
287
Rostampour
Mahmoud
Sweden
Stockholm
288
Saberi
Banoo
USA
Atlanta
289
Sabzikari
Hamid
England
London
290
Sadeghi
Morteza
Holland
Amsterdam
291
Safi zadeh
Ramin
USA
San Francisco
292
Sahar Khiz
Mansour
Germany
Wiesbaden
293
Sahebi
Sima
Germany

294
Salek
Maryam

295
Salimi
Koros

296
samadpouri
ali
Belgium
Bruxelles
297
Samimi
Siavash
Iran
Dashtestan
298
Sanjari
Kianoosh

299
Sarvari
Houshang
Germany

300
Satvat
Maryam

301
Satwat
Maryam
Germany
Cologne
302
Sazgara
Mohsen
USA

303
Seifi
Arman
Iran
Tehran
304
Servati
Mojgan

305
Setayesh
Shahanz
Spain
Tenarife
306
Shab Afrooz
Masoud

307
Shademan
Seyed Morteza
USA

308
Shafiei
Roohi
England
London
309
Shahrokhi
S.
Canada

310
Shambayati
Karim
Germany
Cologne
311
Shams
Tara
Germany
Aachen
312
Shams
Siavash
Germany
Aachen
313
Shams
Mahnaz
Germany
Aachen
314
Shams
Mohamad
Germany
Aachen
315
Shams Haeri
Hadi

316
Shamshiri
Fariborz

317
Shariatmadari
Hassan
Germany
Hamburg
318
Shervini
Saeed
Germany

319
Shghafi
Soheila

320
Shirazi
Abbas
Germany
Hamburg
321
Shokraei
Elahe
Canada

322
Shokri
Mina

323
Siyavashi
Reza
USA

324
Sobhani
Mohammad Hossein
Germany
Cologne
325
Soleimani
Reza
Belgium
Bruxelles
326
Soleimani
Parvaneh

327
Soltani
Siamak
Germany

328
Soltani
Amir

329
Soltani
Kianoosh
Iran
Tehran
330
Tabari
Amir
Germany
Tubingen
331
Tabari
esfandiar
Germany
Tubingen
332
Tabatabai
Fatemeh
Germany
Cologne
333
Tabrizian
Habib

334
Taghavi
Jamshid

335
Taheripoor
Jamshid
Germany

336
Talebi
Ashkbous
USA
Washington
337
Tamimi
Ghader
France
Paris
338
Tavakoli
Mandana
USA

339
Tavana
Daya Dell
Iran

340
Tayefeh
Najaf
Germany
Berlin
341
Tehrani
Shahram
California
Los Angeles
342
Tohidi
Nayereh
California
Los Angeles
343
Torabi
Mohamad
USA
Orange County
344
Vahid
Saman
Iran
Tabriz
345
Wesali
Javad

346
Yaghoobian
Katia
Belgium
Bruxelles
347
Yousef Zadeh
Mehrdad
USA
virginia
348
Yusefi
Iraj
Germany

349
Yusefi
Minoo
Germany

350
Zabardasti
Morad
Canada
Vancouver
351
Zanganeh
Gholamreza
Germany

352
zarrasvand
Majid
Sweden
Stockholm
353
ZEHTAB
Hassan
Sweden
Shovde
354
Zeinali
Ahmad
Iran
Mashhad
355
Ziaei
Hani
Belgium
Bruxelles
356
Ziaei
Samedin
USA
Los Angeles

Iran: End Persecution of Nobel Laureate

2008-12-31T03:08:00.000-08:00

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/12/30/iran-end-persecution-nobel-laureate?print

The Iranian government should end immediately its escalating persecution of Dr. Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel peace laureate and a leading human rights defender, Human Rights Watch and the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said today.

"We are extremely worried for Shirin Ebadi's safety and her ability to continue her important human rights work," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch.

Ebadi reported that officials identifying themselves as tax inspectors arrived at her private law office in Tehran at approximately 5:30 p.m. on December 29, 2008, and removed documents and computers, despite her protests that the materials contained protected lawyer-client information

The raid was the second in 10 days targeting Ebadi and her colleagues. Human Rights Watch and the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran expressed serious concern that the continuing attacks against Ebadi not only endanger her, but also put all Iranian civil society activists in peril.

"If Ebadi is not safe from official harassment, no Iranian activist can feel safe from persecution and dubious prosecution resulting from the government's distaste for peaceful activism," said Hadi Ghaemi, coordinator of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
On December 21, officials prevented a planned celebration of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and forced the closure of the Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC), which Ebadi helped found (http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/12/21/iran-reverse-closure-nobel-laureate-s-rights-group ). The center provides legal defense for victims of human rights abuses in Iran.

Narges Mohammadi, the spokeswoman for the Human Rights Center, said that after the attack on its office on December 21, government agents also went to Ebadi's private office and tried to remove documents under the guise of tax inspection. After Ebadi explained that she provides legal defense work pro-bono and that she earns no income from it, the agents accepted her explanation and left.

The confiscation of materials from Ebadi's private legal practice is the latest in a series of attacks against her, presumably in response to her human rights activism. In August, the official IRNA news agency alleged that her daughter had converted to the Baha'i faith, a serious accusation in a country where apostasy may be punished with death. Since winning the Nobel Peace Prize, Ebadi has been the target of many death threats from little-known groups accusing her of supporting Baha'ism.

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran and Human Rights Watch called upon the Iranian authorities to restore intact the confiscated documents and computers and to cease any further harassment of Ebadi and other human rights defenders.

The groups urged concerned governments and inter-governmental bodies, as well the UN human rights mechanisms, to register strong protests publicly as well as privately with the Iranian government over its persecution of Ebadi and other human rights defenders.

AI: Enforced closure of human rights centre an ominous development

2008-12-31T03:05:00.000-08:00

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
23 December 2008
AI Index No: MDE 13/180/2008

The forcible closure of the Tehran-based Centre for Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) by the Iranian authorities on 21 December is an extremely ominous development threatening the country’s entire human rights movement. Amnesty International is calling for the decision to be reversed without delay.

The CHRD was forcibly closed down by dozens of police and plain-clothes security officials who went to its offices shortly before the Centre was to hold an event commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). According to Narges Mohammadi, spokesperson for the CHRD, security officials failed to show any official order justifying their action and one told her that if she were not a woman, he would drag her by the legs and throw her into the street.

The CHRD was co-founded in 2002 by Shirin Ebadi, Iran’s best known human rights defender who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2003. She was present at the time of the Centre’s forcible closure yesterday. The Centre has sought legal registration since its formation six years ago but this has been continuously denied by the Iranian authorities, leaving Dr Ebadi and her colleagues to operate in a form of legal limbo, and under constant threat. She has previously received death threats.

It is unclear why the Iranian security authorities decided to act against the Centre now. They appear to have wished to prevent a celebration of the UDHR, the founding document of modern human rights law, and also to send a powerful – and chilling – warning to Iran’s growing movement of human rights activists and defenders by targeting the organization headed by the most internationally renowned leader of the movement.

The CHRD has three stated roles, reporting violations of human rights in Iran; providing pro-bono legal representation to political prisoners; and support to the families of political prisoners. Its members have pursued high profile cases of impunity, and defended high profile victims of human rights violations. Some – such as lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani – have been detained in the past for no more than carrying out his duty as a lawyer.

Amnesty International calls for the CHRD to be allowed to resume its activities without delay and to be allowed legal registration. The Iranian government should abide by its obligations under international law to promote and protect human rights and should support, not attack and undermine, the work of human rights defenders.
END/

Public Document

Condemn the Closure of Iranian Human Rights Center

2008-12-29T03:26:00.000-08:00

December 28, 2008

United Republicans of Iran

Condemn the shutdown of the renowned Iranian Human Rights center and demand an end to the suspension of its activities.

On December 21, 2008, just before a ceremony to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the police and the security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran showed up at the center and assaulted the members of the center and sealed its office. The invitees included 200 –300 acclaimed Iranian individuals who were forced to leave the place upon the coerced closure of the center.

The security forces refused to present any official paper from the court ordering the closure of the center and did not offer any reasons for their actions. In August of 2006, commission of 10th article of Iran’s parliament pertaining to the activities of political parties and associations had deemed the Iranian Human Rights center illegal, but no one in the Islamic Republic establishment had called for its closure.

Closure of the center founded by the noble laureate Dr. Shirin Ebadi and backed by distinguished Iranians is yet another sign of escalation of violations of human rights in Iran. The Human Rights Center in Iran has pursued defending the rights of political and ideological detainees. The formation of the Peace committee in the wake of the dangers of international war against Iran, as well as organizing a panel to oversee a free and fair parliamentary election in Iran has turned the center into a national organization. Thus it has a special place in our society. Its shutdown is a blatant gesture by the ruling political system in Iran to cross the boundaries of violations of basic human rights and freedom.

This action of the Islamic Republic is the most inappropriate response to the recent UN General Assembly‘s deep concern over serious human rights violations in Iran. The proper acknowledgement of the demands of the international community from Islamic Republic in this matter is a sincere genuflection to the rights of the citizens.

The United Republicans of Iran warns against the consequences of such actions. Our organization together with all the peace and freedom seeking communities declares that we will use all of our resources to reopen the center. We may also consider placing a complaint to international institutions that are involved in such issues. The United Republicans of Iran requests cooperation of all Iranians in order to accomplish this task.

http://www.iranrepublic.org/ international@jomhouri.com

URI letter to President-elect Obama

2008-11-10T07:22:00.000-08:00

United Repubicans of Iran

For a Democratic and Secular Republic in Iran

www.iranrepublic.org

November 9, 2008

Dear President-elect Barack Obama:

It is with a deeply felt sense of joy, that we wish to congratulate you on your overwhelming and historic victory. For us, as for countless number of others across the globe, your election to the presidency of the United States attests to the vigor of the American democratic system of government and, proclaims once again, the deeply rooted respect of the American people for basic principles of human rights.

We had keenly followed your electoral campaign and listened carefully to your eloquent victory speech about your vision, not only for the welfare and prosperity of American people but also for the cause of peace and co-existence among nations. Your message of “change” will surely resonate in the heart of millions of people looking for new era of peace and stability in the world. We have been particularly impressed by your resolve to start negotiations with the Islamic regime to motivate this undemocratic regime to welcome international efforts in finding a peaceful end to the long brewing tensions between the Iranian government and the West.

We would like, however, to urge you, in the pursuit of this end, to take into consideration the peaceful and wide-spread struggle of Iranian people in attaining their fundamental rights and freedoms.

Wishing you success in attaining all of your lofty goals.

Respectfully,

On Behalf of the Executive Council of United Republicans of Iran

Chair of International Relations Committee

Mehran Barati, Ph. D.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dahlmannstr. 11, D-10629 Berlin (Germany) dr.barati@yahoo.com

Our Voices Are Heard

2008-09-24T17:11:00.000-07:00

http://www.roozonline.com/english/archives/2008/09/our_voices_are_heard.html

Rooz (R): You appear to be the first person to receive the award of the Italian international committee on human rights. Why do you think a woman human rights attorney was selected as the first recipient of the award?

Nasrin Sotudeh (NS): This question has to be asked of the committee. But I think human rights are an inter-linked issue in the world. Some countries cannot be excluded from the expectation to observe and respect human rights. International attention to civil activists around the world stems from this view.

R: As a human rights activist and also a defender of if human rights activists in Iran, you have been a witness to the struggles of these advocates. What is your general assessment of the condition of human rights advocates in Iran?

NS: If I wanted to say it in one term it would be: Very dismal. Human rights defenders, particularly attorneys who have defended civil activists pro bono, have either ended up in jail or are exposed to repeated summons. This is despite the fact that exerting pressures on lawyers is illegal according to international law and the domestic laws of Iran. According to Iranian law, attorneys enjoy immunity in their work, similar to those enjoyed by judges. But this is something that is regularly violated.

R: What do you think is the impact of these awards on human rights activists?

NS: Bestowing these awards indicates the importance that the international community gives to Iranian issues and the acknowledges of such activities by public opinion around the world. This acknowledgment also carries a message to the effect that the international public opinion supports the human rights activists in Iran. The evidence of course are the prizes or awards that are given to civil rights activists in Iran, which are significant by virtue of their numbers and quality.

R: What is the impact of this domestically?

NS: You see, the purpose of the accusations and charges that are raised by dictatorial regimes against civil rights activists is to break their spirit. At the least they want to weaken their morale and waken their determination in their cause. Support from international public opinion indicates that the voice of Iran’s civil society is heard and is acknowledged by the world’s civil community. So I think this type of recognition by the international community strengthens the beliefs and convictions of activists in their work and efforts.

Iranian Activists: Problem is Oppressive Government

2008-09-24T17:08:00.000-07:00

http://www.roozonline.com/english/archives/2008/09/iranian_activists_problem_is_o.html

Coinciding with Ahmadinejad's Visit to New York - 2008.09.23

Rooz Exclusive - Ahmad Batebi

Coinciding with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's visit to New York, on Monday the Human Rights Watch office in New York held a press conference at a hotel across the street from the United Nations building with reporters from various major media networks in attendance.

In this meeting Akbar Ganji, Mehrangiz Kar, Hadi Ghaemi and Minky Worden, Media Director of Human Rights Watch, responded to reporters' questions about human rights conditions in Iran.

Mehrangiz Kar opened the meeting by providing a report on current human rights conditions in Iran, focusing particularly on the women's rights movement's achievements and vulnerabilities.

Akbar Ganji then shared his concerns and those of other human rights activists regarding the Western world's policies and announced, "We speak as human rights activists and our issues are different from those of Western governments. These governments are concerned with nuclear energy and enrichment suspension, whereas our problem is widespread human rights violations and confrontation with an oppressive government."

Ganji added, "Human rights and democracy are not important for these governments. Proofs of my words are the treatments of governments of North Korea and Libya. Colonel Qaddafi suspended his country’s nuclear energy project and then nothing more was said about human rights violations in Libya. We are concerned about a similar agreement between the governments of Iran and the United States. The two governments are negotiating behind closed doors, and although negotiations are good and we defend them, they must be publicly held."

A New York Times reporter asked Ganji about the Iranian people's unwillingness to act to change present conditions.

Responding to the question, Ganji noted, "In addition to numerous economic problems, the Iranian people also lack freedom and the government is trying to limit the scope of problems to economic problems. In our view, an authoritarian government is the source of all problems including economic problems and when there is no freedom no one can discern the source of the problem. In Iran, billions of dollars of oil revenues are spent on unknown projects and if people ask questions about them they will be suppressed. Our problem is the Supreme Leader's dictatorship. The Western world takes Ahmadinejad seriously, even though he is not an important player. In essence, he is the head of Supreme Leader's office and is considered to be the person who implements the Supreme Leader's orders."

A BBC reporter interrupted at this point, asking, "What is responsible for suppression of civil society activists: the administration or the regime structure?"

Mehrangiz Kar responded, "I do not think it is Ahmadinejad’s administration or its Intelligence Ministry that is suppressing civil society or women's rights activists. In the early years after the revolution the Iranian regime eliminated, in the name of Islam, everything that women had achieved in the years before the 1979 revolution. It was only during the reform era and Mr. Khatami's administration that non-governmental organizations became active and the present administration opposes them."

Ms. Kar added, "Women are not equal to men. Women must not ask for too much, they must not speak, according to the regime. This is the radical, religious policy-making of the Iranian regime."

The BBC reporter then asked Mr. Ganji, "Do you hold the supreme leader responsible or the president?"

Ganji responded, "In Iran, the supreme leader resides atop of an undemocratic structure. He governs like a sultan. Ahmadinejad has been in power for three years but even if someone other than him had been elected that person would have implemented the supreme leader's orders as much. The supreme leader has nourished this creature in its bosom and, hence, our problem is the undemocratic, sultanic structure of the reigime."

The Voice of America reporter asked, "If Ahmadinejad is effectively not responsible, then what is the use for asking him questions?"

Ganji responded, "Questioning Ahmadinejad means questioning the president, because he defends the Supreme Leader's positions. Mr. Khamenei has repeatedly claimed that this is the best administration that has been in power in Iran. If the president says something that seems to be irrational to us, it seems to be completely rational to the supreme leader. Every action that is taken in Iran has two aspects, a positive aspect and a negative aspect. If it is positive, it is credited to the supreme leader, and if it isnegative, it is blamed on the president. Ahmadinejad too plays this role very well. This is not a secret. For example, during the 33-day war in Lebanon Mr. Larijani announced that this war was fully commanded by Mr. Khamenei."

Mehrangiz Kar then responded to another reporter's questions regarding differences between Iran and neighboring countries: "Our conditions with respect to social development are much better than neighboring countries, because we have been in contact with modernity for 150 years now. Currently, we have a lot of potential for action Iran. For instance, there is currently an underground movement in Saudi Arabia to legalize driving for women, whereas we had that right ever since the introduction of automobiles to Iran."

Photographs by: Ahmad Batebi

UN: Hold Ahmadinejad Accountable for Iran Rights Crisis

2008-09-24T17:04:00.000-07:00

http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/09/18/iran19845_txt.htm

Executions Increase Almost 300 Percent, Persecution of Rights Defenders Intensifies

(New York, September 18, 2008) – Under the administration of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, basic human rights protection in Iran has deteriorated to new lows, Human Rights Watch and the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said in a briefing paper released today.

The new paper, "Iran Rights Crisis Escalates: Faces and Cases from Ahmadinejad’s Crackdown," documents the dire situation for human rights defenders and key dimensions of the human rights crisis in Iran today. Released ahead of Ahmadinejad’s arrival at the opening ceremonies of the UN General Assembly, the paper highlights Iran’s status as the world leader in juvenile executions. Iran is known to have executed six juvenile offenders so far in 2008, and more than 130 other juvenile offenders have been sentenced to death and are awaiting execution.

"Iran’s determination to execute juvenile offenders in such large numbers is cruel, barbaric, and earns it a medal of shame," said Hadi Ghaemi, coordinator of the International Campaign for Human Rights. "It is time to abolish the death penalty for children in Iran."

The report also notes the skyrocketing number of total executions under Ahmadinejad. In July 2008, 29 men were hanged on a single day, but the authorities announced the names of only 10 of them. The number of executions has nearly quadrupled under Ahmadinejad’s presidency, rising from 86 cases in 2005 to 317 cases in 2007 – almost a 300-percent increase.

Prosecution of dissidents for their peaceful beliefs and opinions has also intensified in recent years. Human rights defenders are routinely harassed and imprisoned for reporting and documenting rights violations.

"Iran should release all political prisoners and end its suppression of dissent," said Akbar Ganji, an Iranian journalist and former political prisoner.

Iranian authorities have systematically thwarted peaceful and legal civil society efforts to advocate for women’s rights. Women’s rights advocates have been beaten, harassed, persecuted, and prosecuted. "Despite harsh government repression, Iranian women are increasingly demanding their rights," said Mehrangiz Kar, a prominent Iranian lawyer and women’s rights scholar.

Ahmadinejad’s Intelligence Ministry has targeted Iranians who have active professional ties abroad, accusing them of being agents of Western efforts to instigate a "velvet revolution" in Iran. Three Iranians with academic ties to US institutions are currently being held and interrogated. Arash and Kamiar Alei are world-renowned AIDS physicians who have been in arbitrary detention since June 22, 2008. Mehdi Zakerian, a legal scholar who was scheduled to teach at the University of Pennsylvania this semester, was detained by security agents three weeks ago. The authorities have not provided any information about his situation.

"Arbitrary detentions of scholars harm Iran’s cultural and educational ties with the outside world," said Sarah Leah Whitson, director of Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa division. "Ahmadinejad should end the persecution of Iranian academics and intellectuals."

The paper concludes that the human cost of Ahmadinejad’s policies is registering a heavy toll on Iran’s most vital nongovernmental sectors. It is imperative for the international community to take up the opportunity of Ahmadinejad’s presence at the United Nations to voice its concerns about the increasingly grave human rights violations in Iran.

Iran's Women's Rights Activists Are Being Smeared

2008-09-24T16:57:00.000-07:00

Run Date: 09/17/08
By Nayereh Tohidi
WeNews commentator

Women's rights activists recently succeeded in stalling a bill to ease polygamy, temporary marriage and male-bias in divorce. But Nayereh Tohidi says a nasty smear campaign and continuous arrest show the adversity they are up against.

Editor's Note: The following is a commentary. The opinions expressed are those of the author and not necessarily the views of Women's eNews.[http://www.womensenews.org/images/ci/Tohidi-3743.jpg]

(WOMENSENEWS)--In Iran, the government of hard-line President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad recently proposed a bill and, in Orwellian fashion, named it the "Family Protection Law."

If passed it would have threatened the stability, equilibrium, and mental health of families by reinforcing and facilitating polygamy, temporary marriage, and men's privileged position with regard to divorce.

The good news: A diverse coalition of women's rights activists and even some moderate clerics and politicians persuaded a judicial commission to drop some of the most contested articles and Majles, the Parliament, passed an amended version on Sept. 9. This version makes second marriage contingent upon the first wife's consent and does not attach any tax on the amount of dowry to be paid to wife in case of divorce.

The bad news: The amended family law and many other laws pertaining to personal status are still very male biased. Temporary marriage (muta), for example, remains a prerogative for married and unmarried men without even requiring its registration. Activists campaigning to change that those laws are still under attack, with five women recently sentenced to prison terms of between six months and four years.

A major sign of the negative climate is a wave of smear campaigns recently waged against those activists, chief among them Shirin Ebadi, the leading human rights lawyer. Similar campaigns in the 1990s were harbingers of homicides.

A series of articles published in early August by the official Islamic Republic News Agency made dangerous allegations against Ebadi, her family, and the Center for the Defense of Human Rights that she founded and chairs.

The articles charged Ebadi, a Women's eNews 21 Leader, with supporting sexual license, promiscuity, and prostitution. They called her a Zionist agent and alleged that the international Zionist Lobby was behind her winning the 2003 Nobel Prize.

The articles also claimed that Ebadi's daughter has converted to the Bahai faith, a dangerous accusation because Iran does not recognize Bahaism as a religion and its followers have faced severe discrimination and persecution.

Trumped-Up Charges

Several human rights groups, including the Nobel Women Initiative (founded by six female Nobel Peace Prize winners) have compared the accusations to trumped-up charges brought up by the same media against dissident intellectuals in the 1990s that led to several mysterious assassinations now known as "the serial killings."

Women's status in Iran is paradoxical and complex. Many rural women and those living in small towns suffer from old restrictions and practices such as domestic violence and "honor killing."

As for urban women: While economic necessity compels many to work outside the home, their employment opportunities are limited and often face discrimination and harassment. According to official records, in the course of the past year alone, more than 20,000 women have been attacked by "moral squads" and put under temporary police arrest for breaking Islamic dress code.

At the same time, Iranian women have made remarkable strides. Literacy rates among younger generations have risen above 90 percent, and a drastic decline in the fertility rate (now less than two children per woman) and improvements in health and life expectancy have paralleled strides in higher education and income generation. Women are now more than 60 percent of university students and are active in many non-traditional occupations such as medicine, law, engineering and architecture.

Women played a significant role in the reform movement of the late 1990s by massive participation in presidential, parliamentary, and municipal elections. But since then, women's participating in formal politics has waned along with the reform movement.

Laws Lagging Behind New Realities

Women's legal rights within marriage and the family--so-called personal status--have remained backward and at odds with their proven capacities. While women in Iran have produced best-selling novels and internationally award-winning films, barbaric practices such as stoning to death for adultery are still legal.

Two years ago, in August 2006, 200 women (and also some men) began a grassroots effort known as the "One Million Signatures Campaign" to change discriminatory laws. It was modelled after a similar 1992 campaign by Moroccan women, which produced progressive changes in the family law in that country. In Iran, the plan was to present one million signatures to the Majles and press legislators to enact equal-rights legislation. But continuous attacks and arrest of those collecting signatures have slowed the process and caused organizers to extend the two-year target.

Despite intimidation and arrests, this campaign has grown into a network of thousands of activists in more than 30 cities. It has also mobilized support among Iranians abroad and gained increasing recognition and solidarity among transnational networks of feminists and women's rights activists.

Appealing to Anxieties

To thwart such efforts from fuelling a counter cultural movement in the Iranian population--70 percent of whom are now younger than 30--the radical Islamists are appealing to traditionalists' anxieties about changing sexual mores and gender views. One recent article published in August in the state-run newspaper Keyhan called for "courageous and gutsy revolutionaries who can do the job" (i.e., continue to carry out attacks on the women's rights activists).

U.S. policy toward Iran and the continuous threat of military attack have further complicated the situation. In 2003 the allocation of $75 million in U.S. aid to Iranian civil rights organizations spurred the government to repress all voices of dissent. Any civil society organizations or individuals doing effective work toward democracy and human-women's rights were accused of being agents in a U.S. plan for regime change.

While the hard-liners and radical Islamists cast peaceful and transparent campaigns as national security threats, that charge is better applied to them. Their belligerent foreign policies have brought sanctions and economic hardship and created the danger of military attacks on Iran.

And while they blast off allegations of sexual license and prostitution against women seeking equal rights and egalitarian family relations they promote polygamy and temporary marriage, both frowned upon by the majority of Iranians. Many Sunni and even many Shii Muslims view temporary marriage as little more than legalized prostitution.

Iranian women's rights activists are contributing to a slow, persistent process of building a civil society grounded on egalitarian and democratic values that would nourish national security and peace with justice. Their efforts are not tied to any national security interest. They are part of a universal quest by civilized people for a peaceful and humane society.

Nayereh Tohidi is chair and professor of the Department of Gender and Women's Studies, California State University, Northridge and a Research Associate at the Center for Near Eastern Studies, UCLA.Women's eNews welcomes your comments. E-mail us at editors@womensenews.org.

Iran: Fear of torture and other ill-treatment/ prisoner of conscience: Ramtin Soodmand

2008-09-24T16:55:00.000-07:00

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE13/137/2008/en/ed19cc56-830c-11dd-8e5e-43ea85d15a69/mde131372008en.html

PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/137/2008

12 September 2008

UA 258/08 Fear of torture and other ill-treatment/ prisoner of conscience

IRAN Ramtin Soodmand (m), aged 35, has two children

Ramtin Soodmand, a Christian who works for a church in Tehran and with youth groups,was arrested on 20 August. He is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment and is being held in an unknown location. He is a prisoner of conscience and should be released immediately as he has been detained solely for his religious beliefs.

On 17 August, Ramtin Soodmand received a call from Ministry of Intelligence officials. The officials told him to report to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Mashhad, north-east Iran. Ramtin Soodmand told them that he could see no reason why the officials in Mashhad might want to interview him as he lives in Tehran, but eventually he agreed to go.

Ramtin Soodmand has not been seen since he went to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Mashhad on 20 August. Since being detained he has been able to make three short phone calls to his family. On or around 24 August, he made a phone call to his mother, who lives in Mashhad. He then made a second call to both his mother and wife on 31 August. The third call was to his wife on 6 September. On all three occasions, he did not say where he was being held.

His family have visited the Ministry of Intelligence frequently but have been unable to obtain any information on his whereabouts or legal status. The Ministry of Intelligence officials claim that his case is still under investigation.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Ramtin Soodmand’s father, Reverend Hossein Soodmand, was a Muslim who converted to Christianity in the 1960s, and became a Protestant pastor in Mashhad. He was hanged on 3 December 1990 in a prison in Mashhad after being convicted of apostasy; see Iran: Arrest and execution of a Christian pastor (Index: MDE 13/030/1990). He was also featured in Amnesty International's Annual Report 1991.

Christianity is a recognized religion in Iran, but evangelical Christians often experience harassment by the authorities. In recent months, since May, there has been an increase in the number of Christians arrested. Most of the arrests have taken place in Bandar Abbas, capital city of the Hormozgan province, Esfahan in central Iran, Sanandaj in north-west Iran and Kermanshah in western Iran.

Article 23 of the Iranian Constitution states: "The investigation of individuals' beliefs is forbidden, and no one may be molested or taken to task simply for holding a certain belief." Under Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a state party, "Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching."

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English, Persian, Arabic or your own language:

- expressing concern that Ramtin Soodmand has been detained solely on account of his religious belief and is a prisoner of conscience;

- calling on the authorities to release him immediately and unconditionally, or charge him promptly with a recognizably criminal offence and give him a fair trial;

- asking why he has been arrested, what he has been charged with and where he is held;

- urging the authorities to ensure that he is not being tortured or otherwise ill-treated, and that he be provided immediate and regular access to his family, a lawyer and any medical treatment that he may require;

- reminding the authorities that freedom of religious belief is guaranteed by the Iranian Constitution, and by Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a party.

Iran: Prisoners of conscience and death row prisoners on hunger strike

2008-09-24T16:54:00.000-07:00

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
11 September 2008
MDE 13/136/2008
Iran: Prisoners of conscience and death row prisoners
on hunger strike
Amnesty International is concerned about more than 50 imprisoned members of Iran’s Kurdish minority who are currently on hunger strike in prison in protest against continuing torture, executions and other gross abuses of human rights. There are growing concerns for their safety as a result of their hunger strike.
The hunger strike was launched by a number of prisoners on 25 August 2008. Reliable sources indicate that those protesting now include 15 prisoners who are being held in Sanandaj, 33 at Oroumiye, three at Saqqez and four who are being held in Tehran. The hunger strikers include three women’s rights activists - Zeynab Beyezidi, Hana Abdi and Ronak Saffarzadeh, all prisoners of conscience who should be released immediately and unconditionally – and at least eight prisoners who were sentenced to death after unfair trials.
The hunger strikers are calling for an end to the use of torture and other ill-treatment of prisoners and for an immediate end to executions and the use of the death penalty. They are also calling for better prison conditions and independent inspection of Iranian prisons by national and international human rights bodies, for an end to the use of internal exile as a method of punishing dissent and for an end to official discrimination against the Kurdish minority, including prisoners.
There is little to indicate that the Iranian authorities will accede to the hunger strikers’ demands even though the prisoners have termed their hunger strike ‘unlimited’. To date, the authorities have not expressed any reaction to the demands or to the hunger strikers themselves.
The prisoners’ demands reflect longstanding problems in Iran which affect the Kurdish minority and many others who oppose or criticise the authorities (see, for example, Amnesty International’s report, Iran: Human rights abuses against the Kurdish minority, published July 2008, http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE13/088/2008/en/d140767b-5e45-11dd-a592-c739f9b70de8/mde130882008eng.pdf
Amnesty International continues to call for an end to torture, executions and other human rights violations in Iran, including discrimination against Kurds and members of other ethnic and religious minorities. The organisation also continues to call for the immediate, unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience, including the three women’s rights activists who are among the hunger-striking prisoners, and for the suspension of all death sentences, including those against hunger strikers Arslan Oliya’i, Anvar Hossein Panahi, Habib Latifi, Farhad Kamangar, Farhad Vakili and Ali Haydariyan.

Iran: Death Penalty: Bahman Salimian

2008-09-24T16:53:00.000-07:00

PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/134/2008
11 September 2008
UA 252/08 Death Penalty
IRAN Bahman Salimian, now aged 27; juvenile offender
Juvenile offender Bahman Salimian is at imminent risk of being executed. He was sentenced to qesas (retribution) by Branch 33 of the Supreme Court for the murder of his grandmother, committed in 1996 when he was 15 years old. His execution had been scheduled to take place on 28 August 2008 in Esfahan prison, central Iran. The execution was halted by the judicial authorities on 25 August to allow for furtherreconciliation attempts in order to negotiate a pardon from the only relative who still insists that the execution is to go ahead.
Throughout his trial, Bahman Salimian repeatedly claimed that his 70 year-old grandmother had talked of committing suicide so he killed her to minimise her suffering. On hearing Bahman Salimian's unusual motive for the murder the trial judge ordered that Bahman Salimian be psychologically assessed. Experts concluded that he was suffering from a psychological disorder and, accordingly, the judge sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment and the payment of diyeh (financial compensation, also called ‘blood money’) to be paid by his parents. Some members of the grandmother’s family appealed the sentence and demanded the death sentence for Bahman Salimian’s crime and Branch 33 of the Supreme Court overturned the lower court’s verdict and he was sentenced to qesas.
On 25 August, the Head of the Judiciary of Esfahan province, Gholam Reza Ansari, announced that Bahman Salimian’s execution was to be suspended as two of his uncles had pardoned him. Gholam Reza Ansari ordered the relevant officials to try as hard as possible to obtain the pardon of the remaining uncle, which would spare Bahman Salimian from execution.
Bahman Salimian has spent the last 12 years in prison due to the disagreement within the victim’s family regarding his pardon or execution. Under the Iranian qesas law, if one member of the victim’s family refuses to pardon the accused and, the other family members have received the appropriate amount of diyeh, then the death sentence will be implemented.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Since 1990 Iran has executed at least 37 juvenile offenders, eight of them in 2007 and six so far in 2008.
The execution of juvenile offenders is prohibited under international law, as stated in Article 6 (5) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Iran is a state party to and so has undertaken not to execute anyone for crimes committed when they were under 18.
In Iran a convicted murderer has no right to seek pardon or commutation from the state, in violation of Article 6(4) ICCPR. The family of a murder victim have the right either to insist on execution, or to pardon the killer and receive financial compensation.
For more information about executions of child offenders in Iran, please see: Iran: The last executioner of children (MDE 13/059/2007, June 2007), http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engmde130592007
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Persian, Arabic, English or your own language:
- expressing concern that Bahman Salimian is at risk of execution for a crime committed when he was under 18;
- calling on the authorities to commute his death sentence;
- reminding the authorities that Iran is a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which prohibit the use of the death penalty against people convicted of crimes committed when they were under 18

Iran: Further information on Arbitrary arrest / fear for safety / possible prisoners of conscience / medical concern / torture and ill-treatment

2008-09-24T16:51:00.000-07:00

PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/135/2008 11 September 2008
Further Information on UA 262/06 (MDE 13/114/2006, 29 September 2006) and follow-ups (MDE 13/134/2006, 13 October 2006; MDE 13/134/2006, 11 December 2006; MDE 13/040/2007, 30 March 2007; MDE 13/074/2007, 15 June 2007) and AI Index: MDE 13/103/2007, 10 August 2007 - Arbitrary arrest/ fear for safety/possible prisoners of conscience/ medical concern/torture and ill-treatment
IRAN Ayatollah Sayed Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi (m), aged 50, Shi'a cleric
Massoud Samavatiyan (m)
Ali Shahrabi Farahani (m)
Ahmad Karimiyan (m)
Majid Alasti (m)
New names: Mehrdad Souri (m)
Mohammad-Reza Sadeghi (m)
Habib Ghovati (previously referred to as Ghouti) (m)

Ayatollah Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi continues to be held in Evin Prison in Tehran, where his medical condition has gravely deteriorated. On 10 September, Ayatollah Kazemeyni Boroujerdi's wife and the family lawyer went to Evin Prison in order for the Ayatollah to sign papers nominating the lawyer. They were denied access to Ayatollah Hossein Kazemeyni Boroujerdi by the prison authorities. He and his detained followers may be prisoners of conscience, held only because of their religious beliefs.

On 2 September, his doctor wrote to Iran’s judicial authorities informing them of his patient’s urgent, multiple and complex medical conditions that require immediate medical care outside of the prison. The doctor submitted a diagnosis of Ayatollah Kazemeyni Boroujerdi’s heart condition, which is causing chest pains, suggesting that important arteries may be blocked. The Ayatollah also suffers from a kidney condition that causes considerable pain and he has lost around 40kg whilst in detention. He is also in a very poor psychological state.
Without prior warning Ayatollah Boroujerdi was summoned to appear before the Special Court for the Clergy (SCC) on 1 September. The SCC tried to force him to give an interview to a government newspaper recanting his beliefs and seeking forgiveness from Iran’s Supreme Leader.

He was sentenced on 13 August 2007 to serve one year in prison in Tehran, followed by ten years in prison in another part of the country. He has been repeatedly denied permission to seek adequate treatment for his medical problems. Ayatollah Boroujerdi is reported to have been repeatedly tortured and ill-treated since his arrest.

Ayatollah Boroujerdi advocates the removal of religion from the political basis of the ranian state. He was arrested at his home in Tehran on 8 October 2006 along with more than 300 of his followers, during violent clashes with the security forces. He and 17 followers were initially sentenced to death, but the death sentences were later dropped. In addition to his sentence of 11 years' imprisonment, Ayatollah Boroujerdi was also defrocked (banned from wearing his clerical robes and thereby from practising his clerical duties), and his house and all his belongings were confiscated.

Of the 77 followers of Ayatollah Boroujerdi who also faced trial, most have now been released although on 7 August, Habib Ghovati appeared before the SSC and received a four year prison sentence. The sentences and whereabouts of two other followers, Ali Shahrabi Farahani and Ahmad Karimiyan, remain unknown.

At the conclusion of their appeals, four other followers, Majid Alasti, Mehrdad Souri, Mohammad-Reza Sadeghi and Massoud Samavatiyan, had their sentences upheld by the SCC on 3 September. Majid Alasti was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment to be served in exile in Zanjan prison, 330 km northwest of Tehran. Mehrdad Souri and Mohammad-Reza Sadeghi were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment and are now held in Evin Prison. Massoud Samavatiyan was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment to be served in exile in Khoramabad, Lorestan province, western Iran.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The SCC, which operates outside the framework of the judiciary, was established in 1987 by Ayatollah Khomeini to try members of the Shi’a religious establishment in Iran. Its procedures fall far short of international standards for fair trial: among other things, defendants can only be represented by clergymen nominated by the court, who are not required to be legally qualified. In some cases the defendant has been unable to find any nominated cleric willing to undertake the defence and has been tried without any legal representation. The court can hand down sentences including flogging and the death penalty.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Persian, Arabic, English, French or your own language:
- expressing concern that Ayatollah Kazemeyni Boroujerdi is not receiving adequate medical treatment, and urging the authorities to grant him immediate access to the medical treatment that he needs;
- expressing concern at the continuing harassment of Ayatollah Kazemeyni Boroujerdi because of his religious beliefs;
- calling on the authorities to ensure that Evin Prison authorities ensure that Ayatollah Kazemeyni has access to a lawyer of his choice;
- expressing concern that Ayatollah Kazemeyni Boroujerdi and his detained followers may be prisoners of conscience, who should be immediately released if not promptly charged with a recognizably criminal offence.

Protesting the arrest of leaders of Baha’i community in Iran

2008-05-29T07:13:00.000-07:00

United Republicans of Iran
For a Democratic and Secular Republic

http://www.iranrepublic.org/
international@jomhouri.com

May 29, 2008

End the Persecution of Baha’is

We demand that the violation of human rights of our fellow Baha’i citizens in Iran to stop and their prerogative to exist as a religious minority enjoying equality with followers of other religious minorities to be recognized.

Seven officials of the Baha’i community have been kept detained in Iran since May 14. Six individuals were arrested on May 14, and another person has been incarcerated for the past two months. The arrests have continued in recent days. For instance three individuals have been imprisoned in the northern Iran. According to the spokesperson for the government of Islamic Republic the detainees are accused of acting against the national security of Iran. Minister of Information and Attorney General, without referring to these arrests; have charged them with serious offense. During the last thirty years, the followers of Baha’i faith in Iran have been under constant threat and persecution by the state because of their beliefs. Even the mere fact of belonging to the Baha’i faith is considered a crime in the eyes of Islamic Republic. The recent arrests demonstrate that a new round of assault is on the way against our fellow Baha’i citizens. In Islamic Republic citing a threat to the national security instead of presenting real evidence against the accused is a common practice. In the past thirty years individuals belonging to IR opposition have often been detained based on similar charges. The detainees have been subject to torture and harassment and while incarcerated, without being able to defend themselves, have been repeatedly incriminated in the media. In recent years we have witnessed incarceration of secularists and religious minorities on numerous occasions, while the charges made against the jailed individuals have never been proven in any court of law.

The recent arrests of the leaders of the Baha’i faith indicate an obvious transgression against this religious minority group and it is suggestive of a very apparent breach of their basic human rights. Freedom of religion, ideas and beliefs are the essential rights of every citizen and the government can not violate them especially because the tenets of such rights have been named in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the government of Iran has signed it.

The United Republicans of Iran strongly condemns the arrests of the leaders of the Baha’i faith and the charges made against them. We hereby demand their immediate release, cessation of their persecution and harassment, and recognition of their community as a religious minority equitable with other religious minorities in Iran

International Committee of the
United Republicans of Iran

Iran: Detained Students May Face Torture

2008-04-26T22:56:00.001-07:00

Source: http://www.hrw.org/

Authorities Should Investigate Allegations of Abuse

(Washington, DC, April 10, 2008) – Iranian authorities should immediately investigate allegations that Ministry of Information agents and interrogators tortured four detained student activists, and punish officials involved in such abuse, Human Rights Watch said today. According to sources familiar with the case, the students have suffered physical and psychological abuse during detention. Three students remain imprisoned, and the whereabouts of the fourth detainee, taken from his hospital bed on April 5, are unknown.

Iranian authorities accuse the four students of taking part in “armed activities” and “forming groups against the state.” Lawyers representing the students have not had access to their clients or their files. Human Rights Watch is concerned that authorities may have detained the students merely for exercising their rights to peacefully gather and express dissent.

“Iran should either charge these students with a crime, or release them,” said Joe Stork, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Officials must investigate the reports of torture and punish anyone it finds responsible.”

The four detainees, Behrooz Karimizadeh, Peyman Piran, Ali Kantouri, and Majid Pourmajid, are activists with the organization Students Seeking Freedom and Equality. The group states that it seeks to peacefully resist various forms of inequality and exploitation. The group has branches and members on university campuses throughout Iran. Since December 2007, Iranian authorities have arrested over 40 students affiliated with the group. All but the four mentioned above are free; some of the students released alleged that their interrogators tortured and ill-treated them while in detention.

The arrests appear to have been triggered by demonstrations planned on several campuses to commemorate Students Day on December 7, 2007. Known by the date according to the Iranian calendar, 16 of Azar, Students Day observes the day in 1953 when police fatally shot three student protesters at the University of Tehran. The authorities began targeting members of the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality a few days before the planned events and continued to harass key members for months afterwards. The crackdown appears to be focused on the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality.

On December 2, 2007, Ministry of Information agents arrested Behrooz Karimizadeh, 22, at the home of a friend in Tehran. Two days later, plainclothes agents from that ministry arrested Peyman Piran, as he was leaving Tehran University following peaceful student demonstrations on campus. Authorities are holding the pair in Units 209 and 305, respectively, in Evin prison in Tehran. Information received by Human Rights Watch suggests the authorities are subjecting the detainees to long periods of solitary confinement and various forms of physical and psychological ill-treatment.

Approximately two weeks after the arrests of Karimizadeh and Piran, Ministry of Information agents arrested Ali Kantouri, also an activist with Students Seeking Freedom and Equality, in the town of Ghazvin, northwest of Tehran. Authorities transferred him to Ghezel Hesare, a prison located near the city of Karaj in Tehran province.

Court officials refused to set bail for Kantouri and set prohibitively high bails for Piran and Karimizadeh (nearly US$300,000 for Karimizadeh).

On March 29, 2008, Ministry of Information agents arrested Majid Pourmajid in the northwestern city of Tabriz and hospitalized him on April 2, 2008. Three days later, authorities transferred him from the hospital to an unknown location.

Court closes Kurdish weekly for selling copies across border in Iraqi Kurdistan

2008-04-26T22:46:00.000-07:00

Source: http://www.rsf.org/

18 April 2008

Reporters Without Borders condemns the 11 April decision of a criminal court in Sanandaj, in Iran’s northwestern Kurdish region, to close the Kurdish-language daily Rouji Ha Lat for good on the grounds that it had received money from abroad. The court took the position that it broke the law by selling copies across the border in the Kurdish part of Iraq.

“It seems that any pretext will do in order to silence independent news media,” the press freedom organisation said. “The Iranian judicial system undermines its own credibility each time it hands down such absurd and iniquitous decisions. A total of 18 newspapers have been suspended since the start of the year in Iran, each time for obviously political reasons.”

The Sanandaj court ruled that, by selling copies in Iraqi Kurdistan, Rouji Ha Lat had acquired an “illegal” foreign source of income since, in Iran, the national news media are not allowed to receive foreign financial assistance.

Three of the newspaper’s journalists who had been charged with “activity against national security” - Farhad Aminpour, Reza Alipour and Saman Solimani - were fined 300,000 toumen (300 euros). They were detained for a month in 2006 before being freed on bail.

Meanwhile on 16 April, a Tehran court ordered the suspension of the newspaper Rah Ayandeh in response to a complaint brought by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation’s press department. The newspaper’s next issue, its ninth, was to have been about Labour Day and the struggle of labour unions in Iran.

Finally, Reporters Without Borders hopes that the weekly Ashtai and the daily Rouzegar will soon be on sale again following court decisions in the past few days lifting the bans that had been placed on them.

On 3 April, the high court of justice overturned the decision of a Sanandaj court on 3 December to order the definitive closure of Ashtai, which had been suspended since August 2005. And on 5 April, a Tehran court rehabilitated Rouzegar, which was suspended by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation on 20 October 2006 for violating its restricted licence by covering political matters.

The Campaign: A Unique but not an Exclusive Experience

2008-04-26T22:36:00.000-07:00

Source: http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article248

By: Hoda Aminian

Sunday 6 April 2008

Translated by: SZ

The One Million Signatures Campaign is different from other movements and actions that have taken place previously in the arena of women’s rights in two ways:

1. Active participation of a large number of predominantly young volunteers in this movement, whereas in the past the discussion of women’s problems and issues was limited exclusively to women’s NGO’s or women’s small coteries, and such groups were highly distanced from the society.

Undoubtedly, what caused the Campaign to succeed and encouraged many people, including the youth, to join the Campaign was taking women’s issues from the level of these small coteries and elevating them to the level of the society at large. This led to publicizing the demands of the Iranian women at the domestic and international level. The current activities of the Campaign in many parts of Iran as well as its being discussed in women’s international seminars held in many countries justifies this claim. This was probably just a dream for women’s rights activists in the past. In the past, recruiting into the women’s NGO’s was limited and to a great extent the groups were quite exclusive. With the formation of the Campaign, a new wave of individuals interested in women’s issues joined this movement and in a certain way formed a new generation of feminist activists in Iran. The Campaign became a place to talk about and be active around women’s issues, with well-defined demands to pursue changing the discriminatory laws against women.

2. The second characteristic that distinguishes the Campaign from other social movements is its demand-focused nature. This important and positive characteristic has made it possible for individuals, regardless of their ideology, to join the Campaign by merely accepting the manifesto of the Campaign which contains the minimum demands of the women to achieve equality. At this point, it is necessary to distinguish between the members and activists of the Campaign. Campaign activists are individuals who have had a desire for more participation in the Campaign and have taken part in the Campaign’s training workshops. But the number of the Campaign members is far beyond the number of activists because every individual, by accepting the manifesto and registering as a signatory, will be considered a member of the Campaign. The members include a wide spectrum of individuals with diverse ideologies, gender, age, education and professions who, by only signing the manifesto, show their support for the Campaign.

Campaign - an opportunity for participation and empowerment:

It is apparent that any movement, during the process of its inception and formation, has an initial formative layer which defines its goals and policies. As the movement continues forming, new individuals join this layer and expand the framework of the movement. The higher the level of belonging and dedication is among this group, the more resilient the movement will become and it will then continue its efforts to reach its goals despite all the obstacles that it is facing. One of the ways to increase solidarity and dedication in today’s movements, particularly the women’s movement which unlike political parties or organizations does not have a defined hierarchy, is creating a sense of participation and cooperation among members. Participation entails taking part in decision making, which in addition to the satisfaction and assurance gained from taking part in planning and execution of projects, leads to the empowerment of individuals as well. Empowerment is the process through which people become aware of their true purpose, find the courage to strive for their demands and gain the necessary skills to make their goals come true.

The One Million Signatures Campaign is a clear example of the issues discussed above. This movement which started with few members in September 2006 to campaign for women’s civil rights drew a large number of volunteers after a few months. These were the volunteers who wanted to be active in the Campaign and in a certain way were considered the core of the Campaign. These volunteers can be divided into several categories:

The first group consists of individuals who consider the women’s issues an important concern in their lives and as time passes, the Campaign plays an important role in their lives as an integral activity. This group of volunteers, by increasing their level of participation in the activities of the Campaign, became members of the various committees of the Campaign and in addition to collecting signatures, participated in other activities to further the goals of the Campaign. Examples of these activities include making contact with the members of the Majles (Parliament), holding educational workshops, making contact with new volunteers and……… This group of volunteers had an effective role in furthering the causes of this movement.

The second group includes individuals who are sensitive to women’s issues, but for various reasons they restrict their participation in the Campaign to collecting signatures and attending group meetings.

Yet another group of volunteers consists of individuals who entered this social movement merely out of curiosity or because of an interest in learning about the activities of the Campaign and as time went by, they either expanded their activities or dropped out.

Of course the above categorization only applies to the individuals who wanted to be more active in the Campaign and not to all members of the Campaign. It is quite clear that the three distinct documents of the Campaign (manifesto, pamphlet and project objectives) have brought individuals together on the basis of their contents. However, in many instances, from a practical point of view, it has become necessary to make decisions and have debates regarding certain problems. Of course all of this has been done without compromising the major issues and agreed upon principles of the Campaign. These things need to be done with the full participation of the members. Considering that anyone who has signed the petition is a member of the Campaign, no change can be made to the general principles of the Campaign and no major decision regarding the Campaign can be made. The Campaign is not a political party, but each and every individual who is active in the movement is accountable to other members of the Campaign. The ability to make decisions exclusively on minor matters to find ways to further the major goals of the Campaign is delineated in its documents.

Because each individual’s measure of activity in a collective action setting indicates her level of participation, according to the above categorization, the members of the first group who are called active members have the highest measure of activity in the Campaign. Therefore, these members justifiably have the right to take part in decision-making. Taking part in decision-making in turn increases self-confidence in new members and helps in the process of empowerment. In fact, in a way, this acts as an antithesis to the establishment of a pyramidal structure for the Campaign. To boost the sense of empowerment in individuals and to give them the ability to make good decisions and in fact to "practice equality in action", it is essential that all activists have access to accurate news and information. Under the current conditions, because of the pressures and restrictions that the Campaign is facing, it does not have access to any free media to disseminate information. This is a very important matter. In fact, it is necessary to establish a strong communications network to exchange information so that a complete cycle of information dissemination exists which can enable the members to stay informed if they so desire. The existence of a communications network will also instill a heuristic experience in individuals so that when necessary, they can actualize their ideals and by making use of other people’s experience, they can make good decisions. This, in a way, will prevent the establishment of a pyramid model of information/power.

One of the ways of achieving this participation and delegating duties as well as facilitating the day to day activities of the Campaign was the establishment of various but fluid committees. Each committee, as a workgroup, based on the scope of the activities that it has defined for itself - which are changeable and fluid - assumes a certain part of the responsibilities to achieve the goals of the Campaign. Members of each committee take part in the decision-making within their committee. Information is transmitted to members through committees. Various committees are also in reciprocal communication with one another. This process is probably a unique experience for social activists, at least in Iran. This is because the existence of these committees and the communication among them creates a vibrant democratic movement and prevents the creation of a hierarchy of power and responsibilities, which in turn increases the security of each individual member involved in this collective action. The formation of some committees is also varied due to their function, operational processes or expansion of the scope of their activities. For example, the media committee has been formed because of the role it plays in disseminating the news or publishing the writings of the Campaign activists in Tehran, the documentation committee because of its activities in collecting signatures, the volunteers committee because of its involvement with the Campaign volunteers, or the workshops and training committee for training volunteers in Tehran, and so forth. There is minimally a basic structure for every new volunteer to fit into so that she won’t be lost when she first joins. She can then choose her desired committee based on her interests or even initiate a new work group or committee. Because the Campaign is a robust movement, the new individuals who wish to have a role beyond collecting signatures need to have access to a specified source. But, for example, in the case of the arts committee, because of the diversity of the members of the Campaign, there may several or many clusters or groups working in parallel. The existence of these clusters leads to further growth and blossoming of the Campaign. The Campaign will only stop growing if we ignore its vibrancy and fluidity and impose a human ceiling and somehow obstruct the movement. Of course, it is quite apparent that the activities of the committees have no more legitimacy than the activities and demands of each individual member of the Campaign outside of the committees. The establishment of these committees has merely been a way to accelerate and facilitate the advancement of the goals of the Campaign. It is also important to note that the formation of committees in this manner is what we have experienced with the Campaign in Tehran, and other methods may be employed in other cities and of course this has been shown in practice as well.

So far every effort has been made to create a democratic structure and prevent the creation of an organization with centralized power. This has been done through increasing the number of committees or workgroups which function as subsets of these committees to promote participation and democratic dissemination of information. If this process is implemented properly in practice, it can make the movement less vulnerable by creating a sense of devotion and hope in activists and giving them an opportunity to practice equality in action.

One of the other opportunities that the Campaign activists gain by joining this movement is association and socialization with diverse individuals who in one way or another are concerned with women’s issues. This distinct opportunity has given the individuals who have common interests and ideas to form study groups, various friendship circles, etc... One cannot deny the role of these circles and nucleus groups in promoting the growth of individual capacities. It cannot be disputed that the practical weight of each of these nucleus groups differs from others. Each of these nucleus groups has formed around a certain axis and cannot necessarily be a representation of the Campaign at a smaller scale. Therefore, even though it is only natural that these study groups and friendship circles come into existence, we have to be aware that these nucleus groups cannot and should not play the role of committees. Committees consist of individuals with different beliefs and ideologies but these individuals become members of committees based on their capabilities and the goals of the Campaign. If the nucleus groups try to play the role of committees, many of the positive and vibrant aspects of the Campaign which were discussed above, will be lost. Additionally, each nucleus group, even though it may adhere to the three main documents of the Campaign, depending on its weight or activities, may create circumstances or make decisions that will basically divert the movement from its horizontal path. What’s even more important is that without communicating with other members, once again women’s issues will be relegated to the limited coteries and small study groups of the past. This would mean history repeating itself by delivering us another blow.

The One Million Signatures Campaign, as a unique experience in the history of the struggles of women in Iran, by propounding its minimum demands, has been able to attract many individuals regardless of geography or ideology. This is done so that we may strive for equal opportunities for participation and empowerment of all members of the society in an environment free of the usual status quo of power relations. This is an experience that not only the like of which has not existed before, but we can probably never create a similar paradigm with the same characteristics again. Constructive critique of the movement from within will certainly provide the background for its continuation with a favorable and meaningful perspective.

Human right in Azerbaijan of Iran

2008-04-16T18:48:00.000-07:00

http://www.gozaar.org/template1.php?id=1015&language=english

Human Rights in Iranian Azerbaijan: A Year in Review
Ensafali Hedayat
April 14th, 2008

After Norouz, one can look back and review the past year’s events. This brief survey focuses on human rights and societal and cultural issues of the Azeri people in Iran. It examines daily predicaments that have plagued the lives of Azeri people and the intentional and unintentional circumstances that undermine their culture and identity. This report also summarizes the pressures and attempts by the Islamic Republic to suppress freedom of expression and the press, and the extent to which Azeri activists and supporters of human and ethnic rights are persecuted. Of course, this report is not a thorough survey of Azerbaijan; nonetheless, I hope it can help us to better understand the crucial significance of this population’s struggles, sufferings, needs, and hopes.

In December, three earthquakes on the outskirts of Tabriz alarmed people and forced them to spend a few days out in parks and streets. The earthquake did not inflict heavy damages, but if it had been a little more powerful, thousands of people would have lost their lives. According to official statistics, more than 600,000 people live on the outskirts of Tabriz in shabbily built houses that are vulnerable to natural disasters. The people of Tabriz have bitter memories of past earthquakes. And yet, Tabriz isn’t alone. In many other parts of Iran, and even the capital, officials do not seem to pay any attention to the dangers that threaten people’s lives and properties. The catastrophic consequences of Bam’s earthquake and the slow process of reconstruction over many years have increased the public’s fear in this regard.

Other important news from the past year, to which the Iranian media paid little attention, was the lack of a yearly gathering at Babak Khorramdin’s fortress. No journalist, in Iran or outside the country, inquired as to why this yearly gathering did not take place. Even Amnesty International’s statement about this event and the suppression of the Azeri people was treated in a rather cursory fashion.

It has been some years since Azeris have turned to their own ethnic symbols and Iran’s historical symbols as a powerful resource to bolster their struggle against the injustices of the current government. Babak Khorramdin is a son of this land, celebrated for his legacy and heroic deeds at a gathering at his fortress (Ouz Ghal-e Si) on his birthday every year. This day also provides people with an opportunity to assert their identity and voice their social and political demands. These celebrations of Azerbaijan’s heroes began at the end of the 1990s. In 2002 and 2003, more than 100,000 people gathered in Babak Khorramdin’s fortress and they continued to linger in the surrounding mountains for a week. They exchanged their thoughts with one another and sought solutions to their problems. This horrified the government, which feared that such gatherings could spread to the cities. That is why the government began to crack down on such gatherings the following year. To discourage them, the government turned the area around Babak Khorramdin’s fortress into a field for military maneuvers by the Revolutionary Guards and the basij on the same day. This strategy became an excuse to arrest and imprison hundreds of supporters of human rights who advocated for the Azeri people. These pressures reached their climax in 2007. People who were intimidated by the government’s unpredictable violence were forced into retreat and the celebration of Babak Khorramdin’s birth was held silently in homes.

Another important development last year was the prohibition of the use of Turkish language in the cities of this region. The government prohibited the people of this region from publicly writing in Turkish. Iranian officials in various social, political, and economic capacities have issued and carried out many directives in recent years to weaken the identity of ethnic groups, especially Azeris. One of these directives, which had been issued by the director of a trade office in Eastern Azerbaijan, exposed the Islamic Republic’s agenda completely. This directive ordered economic associations and unions to avoid using Turkish words in their advertisements and in naming their place of work and trade. Those who violated this directive faced heavy punishments. This affair became so scandalous that Akbar Alami, a Member of Parliament for Tabriz, protested against this directive and demanded its annulment.

Last year, the government also demolished the house of Sataar Khan, the National Commander and the most prominent leader of the Constitutional Revolution who fought against despotism and led the revolts against the Qajar dynasty. The decision to destroy this historical site was part of a systematic plan to downplay and discredit Azerbaijan’s history and culture. This attack against the history and achievements of Azerbaijan intends to erase memories that can unite people and spur collective action. The whispering protests became more resonant when the government felt the danger of a public revolt to a caricature in Iran Newspaper. The government was forced to retreat and promised to reconstruct Sataar Khan’s house and turn it into a museum.

At the same time, the government, just as in former years, interrupted a gathering of Azeri youths in Tehran over the tomb of Sattar Khan in the holy site of Shah Abdol-Azim, with arrests and imprisonment. Nevertheless, Sataar Khan is quite fortunate that he was killed and buried in Tehran because his tomb is becoming more prominent in the worldand the government is more reluctant to pressure his commemorators. In contrast, Baqer Khan (the national leader who has been buried in Tabriz) is deprived of visitors because this year too, the police attacked, beat up, and arrested the people who gathered at his tomb.

Along with Sataar Khan’s house, which was partly saved from demolition, the historical site of Arge Alishah (Alishah’s Castle) is still in danger. The government also plans to demolish some surviving parts of Robe Rshidi, the oldest university in Iran, in order to build a new university in its place. But if the government’s intentions are in fact sincere, it is possible to repair and reconstruct what has remained of the old site and build the new university alongside it under the same name. The government has also engaged in the destruction of parts of Tabriz’s “Samovar-Makers’ Bazaar” and Maraghe’s “Twin Towers,” an action which is either motivated by political and cultural objectives or stems from the officials’ regrettable ignorance and naïveté.

In the same fashion, the permit of the political monthly Dilmaj, which was published in Turkish, Farsi, and English, was revoked by the order of the Press Supervisory Board on October 9, 2007. Dilmaj was the only important publication in Iran which had taken Turkish language seriously. Around 100 newspapers and magazines are printed in the Iranian Azerbaijan, and two pages of each of their editions are normally published in Turkish. But most of these publications use Turkish in a way which is at times insulting to their readers, mainly because the writers of these publications are amateurs without any academic training in Turkish. Dilmaj, however, uses a group of highly professional writers who have strong knowledge of Turkish to publish a magazine which was unique.

Along with the crackdown on Dilmaj, some Turkish-language student publications at universities were also shut down. Supporters of Azerbaijan’s culture and language, however, continued their resistance and dozens of internet sites and weblogs—both engaging in transmitting news and producing analytical pieces—were born in both Turkish and Farsi languages in the Iranian Azerbaijan.

It is not only Azerbaijan’s language and culture that is imprisoned in the dungeons of the Islamic Republic. A number of Azeri political, religious, labor, and civil society activists are held in Iran’s prisons. These prisoners are held in almost 40 different prisons throughout Iran. At a certain point last year, the Evin Prison held the most Azerbaijani prisoners. There are ten prisons in Eastern Azerbaijan, 13 prisons in Western Azerbaijan, five prisons in Ardabil, and four prisons in Zanjan, and these are only the known prisons that are managed by the Organization for Iran’s Prisons and Security and Educational Affairs. Besides, there are many other secret prisons, which are run and supervised by the municipal office of the Ministry of Intelligence and Security, the Revolutionary Guards, the basij, or others.

In 2007, a number of Azeri female human rights activists were arrested. Contrary to normal procedure, they were transferred not to the prisons’ general wards, but rather, were held in solitary confinement. Since August 28, 2007, Leyla Heydari was held in the detention of the Ministry of Information. She was later released on a heavy bail of 85,000 dollars along with her husband who had been in prison since June 17, 2007. During this time, Heydari was permitted to contact her family only once. She is a writer and women’s rights activist who showcased and sold her work alongside other women authors in her bookstore.

Shahnaz Gholami is another Azeri woman who was arrested for her activities to advance women’s rights. She also spent the entire duration of her imprisonment in solitary confinement. Gholami was arrested by plainclothes police in her house last summer for launching an internet site about the problems of women, with the help of other female activists. Gholami’s family had no inkling of her condition or whereabouts for many weeks. Shahnaz Gholami, who is also a member of the Association of Iran’s Women Journalists (RZA), had been previously imprisoned for six years during the 1980s.

In the same year, Saleh Kamrani, a Turkish lawyer who was defending political and civil society activists in courts, was arrested and detained. He is now in prison and his wife has stated in interviews that her husband’s license to practice law has been revoked by the judiciary. Saleh Kamrani is a well-known Azerbaijani lawyer who has defended some key figures of Azerbaijan’s National Movement, including engineers Amani and Abbass Lesani. Kamrani was arrested on June 14, 2006, after leaving his law office in Tehran. After a few days search by his family, it became clear that he was being detained by the Ministry of Information. For a long time, his family and close friends had no news of his whereabouts, and even his lawyer was not permitted to meet with him. Charged with “propaganda against the system,” he was conditionally released on September 18, after three months of confinement in Evin Prison.

During this year, radical Shi’a conservatives, who have overtaken the government completely, increased their attacks on other religious minorities and non-Shi’a Muslims in various parts of Iran. The atmosphere became so stifling that some Jewish families migrated to Israel.

The temples of the Sufis in Qom and Boroujerd became the objects of perpetual attacks by government agents; these temples were eventually razed to the ground and destroyed completely. The Iranian media condemned these assaults and defended the Sufis by publishing the news about these attacks widely. But when the turn of Azerbaijan’s Ali-Alahis (a branch of Sufism) came, most of these media remained silent, and offered only inadequate explanations. Like the followers of any other religion or belief, the Ali-Alahis of Azerbaijan have a right to their faith and to practice it freely. The population of Azerbaijan consists of the only people in Iran who are entirely Shi’as; indeed, the Safavids, who relentlessly spread Shiism in Iran and turned it into the official religion, were of Azeri origin. That is why the beliefs of religious minorities in Azerbaijan have the color and flavor of Shiism and the Ali-Alahis of this region, in their adoration of Ali (the first Shi’a imam), have elevated him to the status of God. But even these mystics did not remain immune to the government’s onslaughts. Unfortunately, almost all Iranians chose to ignore this encroachment on the rights of Ali-Alahis. It has been many months since four members of this sect (which has close affinities with Shi’a beliefs) were held in a remote prison in Western Azerbaijan. Almost forgotten and wiped from memory, it seems no one even bothers to inquire about these prisoners, let alone demand their freedom.

Shand-Ali Mohammadi, Bakhsh-Ali Mohammadi, and Abdolah Ghasemzadeh, all from the village of Ouch Tapeh (in Qoshachay-Miandoab, Iran) are the members of the Atash-Beygi Sect. After an armed confrontation with military forces in Miandoab in October 2004, some members of this sect were arrested and, after a summary trial, were condemned to death. Alireza Javanbakht, the spokesman of Asmak, an association which actively defends the rights of Azerbaijani people, has issued a statement about the unfortunate condition of these prisoners:

“According to the reports that we have received from Oroumieh’s Central Prison, these four individuals are not the only Ali-Alahis who have become the target of harassments by prison officials. The members of other religious minorities, who have been held in prison for non-ideological crimes, are also subject to these pressures. These prisoners are also ceaselessly harassed by thuggish and criminal inmates who are encouraged and instigated by prison guards. Sahand-Ali Mohammadi, Bakhsh-Ali Mohammadi, Abdolah Ghasemzadeh, and Mehdi Ghasemzadeh have written a letter protesting against the torture of Mola-Gholi Mohamamdi, another Ali-Alahi prisoner, by the guards of Ward 3 of the Central Prison. These individuals also protested against the violation of Ali-Alahis’ rights and some of the murders in Azerbaijan in a six-page letter dated on October 20, 2007.”

Suppression, harassment, and turmoil still abound, but, in the lead up to the elections, the Islamic Republic’s politicians suddenly remembered the people of Azerbaijan. Mohammad Khatami, the former Iranian president, made a trip to Azerbaijan to campaign for his reformist colleagues for the upcoming elections. Throughout this trip, Khatami and his entourage exhibited a special concern for Azerbaijan and its problems. To attract the votes of this region’s population, Khatami’s political rivals also utilized similar methods. During this time, a few articles about Iran’s Turkish personalities also appeared in the press, commemorating prominent figures such as Ayatollah Khoei and Ayatollah Shariatmadari. Ayatollah Shariatmadari was the only religious authority in Iran who in the early turbulent years of the Revolution firmly criticized the ratification of Article 110 of the Constitution, which provided the Velayat-e Faqih with unrestrained powers. For that very reason, other religious authorities denounced Ayatollah Shariatmadari and then forced him into silence through persecution, pressure, and house arrest.

The truth is that most Iranian politicians and reformists do not concern themselves with the pressures and injustices that the Azeri activists experience; they do not care about the damages that are inflicted on Azerbaijan’s language, history, culture, music, art, and heritage. Nonetheless, when election time approaches, these politicians travel to Azerbaijan and utter a few Turkish words and speak of some Azeri historical figures to bring people to their side and secure their votes. However, their promises are as empty as their words and their sole intention is to perpetuate the already existing pressures on people.

In 2007, a number of political activists in Azerbaijan were charged with “espionage” for Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan. One of these individuals is Hussein Foruhideh, who has since been condemned to death. As a form of psychological torture, the prison officials have given the news of his execution to his family several times. Fortunately, he is still alive and his execution has not yet been carried out. The Iranian government and the enemies of the rights of Azeri people, inside and outside the country, accuse the Azeri activists of espionage and separatism in order to curtail support from human rights and freedoms defenders in hopes that they abandon them in their struggle for the acquisition of their rights.

The Iranian government calls the Azerbaijani activists “spies,” and yet their policies are perfectly in line with those of Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan in suppressing the Azeri intellectuals. Although one naturally expects Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan to advocate for the ethnic and cultural rights of people in Iranian Azerbaijan, these governments have remained silent and even supported the position of the Islamic Republic to safeguard their own economic interests.

On November 20, 2007, the Canadian government presented a proposal to the United Nations Human Rights Council regarding the repression of freedoms and human rights in Iran. Many countries, which had not even been aware of the issues inside the region of Azerbaijan in Iran, voted for the condemnation of Iran. Not only did the Republics of Turkey and Azerbaijan refuse to condemn Iran, but the latter—without taking into account the situation of ethnic minorities in Iran, especially the Azeris and their trampled rights—went as far as to claim that Iran is a country that does not violate the rights of minorities.

This account has been so far bleak and disappointing; nonetheless, not all the news was disheartening. In the final days of 2007, five Azerbaijani political prisoners, who have been mentioned previously in this article, were released from prison and their freedom bolsters the hopes of defenders of freedom and human rights in Iran and Azerbaijan. Although abandoned, the people of Azerbaijan have begun a new year full of hope and struggle for the freedom of all prisoners and the elimination of all pressures.

Amnesty International issues statement on jailed students in Iran

2008-04-16T18:30:00.000-07:00

04/16/08

Source: Amnesty International

Arbitrary Arrests/Fear of Torture or ill-treatment/Possible prisoners of conscience in Iran

20-30 students associated with the group Students for Freedom and Equality
(Daneshjouyan-e Azadi Khah va Beraber Talab), including:

Rosa 'Essa'ie, (f), student at Tehran's Amir Kabir University
Mehdi Geraylou (m), student at Tehran University
Anousheh Azadfar (f), student at Tehran University
Ilnaz Jamshidi (f), student at Free University of Central Tehran
Rouzbeh Safshekan (m), student at Tehran University
Nasim Soltan-Beigi (m), student at 'Allameh Tabatabai University
Yaser Pir Hayati (m), student at Shahed University
Anahita Hosseini (f)
Bita Naghashiyan (f)
New names: Peyman Piran (m)
Behrouz Karimizadeh (m) student activists
Ali Kantouri (m)

All the students named above have been released, except for Peyman Piran, Behrouz Karimizadeh and Ali Kantouri. Like the others, they were detained for their alleged role in demonstrations around the time of Iran's National University Students' Day, on 7 December 2007. They have been tortured, and Ali Kantouri is not receiving the medication he needs.

Peyman Piran and Behrouz Karimizadeh are believed to be in solitary confinement in section 209 of Evin Prison in Tehran. Peyman Piran was arrested on 4 December by plainclothes police on his way out of Tehran University. He has been flogged on the soles of his feet and ankles. Behrouz Karimizadeh was arrested on 2 December at a friend's house. During interrogation a hard object was thrust into his left ear, and he has lost the hearing in that ear. He has also been given electro-shock torture. He has been forced to "confess" on television to having links with exile groups and attempting to destabilize the country.

The two men have been accused of "acting against state security," and their bail has been set at the equivalent of US$300,000, which their families cannot pay. Behrouz Karimizadeh's family have been told that if they do not pay the bail, he will have to share a cell with common criminals, where the authorities would not be able to guarantee his safety.

Ali Kantouri was arrested on 15 January in the north-western town of Qazvin. His family were telephoned three days later and told that Ali Kantouri was in solitary confinement and under intensive interrogation in Qazvin Prison. During this interrogation his ribs were broken when he refused to be filmed "confessing" to having links with exile groups and attempting to destabilize the country.

Ali Kantouri has been moved between prisons several times: to Evin Prison on 11 March, to Rajaei Shahr Prison in Karaj, Tehran Province, on 18 March and finally to Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj, Tehran province. He suffers from asthma and a chest infection for which he was receiving medical treatment before he was arrested. In mid-March he was seen by a prison doctor but has not yet received any medication.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Student groups have been at the forefront of demands for greater human rights in Iran in recent years. Since the election of President Ahmadinejad in 2005, there have been increasing restrictions on civil society. In April 2007, Minister of Intelligence Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie publicly accused student activists and campaigners for the rights of women of being part of an "enemy conspiracy," without giving any reason.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Persian, English, Arabic or your own language:

- urging the authorities to release all students detained since December 2007 in connection with National University Students' Day who are held solely for the peaceful exercise of their rights;

- urging the authorities to promptly charge the students with recognisably criminal offences or release them;

- asking what charges have been brought against Peyman Piran, Behrouz Karimizadeh and Ali Kantouri;

- calling for an urgent, independent investigation into their alleged torture and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice, and urging the authorities to protect them from further torture and other ill treatment

- calling on the authorities to ensure that they are given access to their families, legal representation and any medical attention they may require;

- reminding the authorities that confessions extracted under torture are prohibited by Article 38 of the constitution of Iran.

APPEALS TO:

Leader of the Islamic Republic
His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed 'Ali Khamenei
The Office of the Supreme Leader, Islamic Republic Street - Shahid Keshvar Doust Street
Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@leader.ir
Salutation: Your Excellency

Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh / Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@dadgostary-tehran.ir (In subject line write: FAO Ayatollah Shahroudi)

Salutation: Your Excellency

Minister of Intelligence
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie
Ministry of Intelligence, Second Negarestan Street, Pasdaran Avenue, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Salutation: Your Excellency

COPIES TO: President
His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir
via website: www.president.ir/email

Speaker of Parliament
His Excellency Gholamali Haddad Adel
Majles-e Shoura-ye Eslami, Baharestan Square, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Fax: +98 21 3355 6408
Email: hadadadel@majlis.ir (mark: please forward to the Article 90 Commission)
and to diplomatic representatives of Iran accredited to your country.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 26 May 2008.

Journalist sent back to prison after heart treatment

2008-04-16T18:29:00.000-07:00

http://www.rsf.org/print.php3?id_article=26588

04.15.2008

Reporters Without Borders condemns the judicial decision to send journalist and human rights activist Emadoldin Baghi back to prison today. He had been let out of prison to seek medical treatment on 18 January.

"Reimprisoning Baghi against the advice of his doctors poses a very serious risk to his health," the press freedom organisation said. "We urge the Iranian authorities to allow him to continue to receive treatment out of prison."

Baghi was returned to his cell in Tehran’s Evin prison today, after 88 days on provisional release. Under a provision of the Iranian criminal code, he was allowed to leave the prison on 18 January for treatment to his heart condition, which had resulted in his being rushed to hospital from the prison in December. His lawyer, Saleh Nikbakht, told Reporters Without Borders that his health continues to be worrying.

Baghi won the International Journalist of the Year Award at the British Press Awards in London on 10 April. The French government awarded him its human rights prize in 2005 for his campaigning against the death penalty.

Baghi was imprisoned on 14 October 2007 to serve a one-year sentence he had been given in November 2004 for writing a book that accused government officials of involvement in a series of murders of intellectuals and journalists in 1998.

Reporters Without Borders meanwhile also calls on the Iranian authorities to guarantee the safety of lawyer and Nobel peace laureate Shirin Ebadi, who found threatening letters outside her office on 3 April. "We warned you several times to hold your tongue but you carried on talking despite our warnings," one of the letters said. "For the last time, change your behaviour or we will take our revenge."

Ebadi said the threats against her family "have increased of late."

Cleric says Iran elections neither free nor fair

2008-04-14T14:46:00.000-07:00

By Ali Akbar Dareini, Associated Press Writer

TEHRAN, Iran — Iran's most senior dissident cleric has charged that recent parliamentary elections were not free or fair because thousands of reformists were barred from running.
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri accused the country's ruling Islamic establishment of imposing dictatorship in the name of Islam, according to a statement provided to The Associated Press by his office Monday.

Hard-line allies of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won most of parliament's 290 seats in last month's elections after most reformist candidates were thrown out by Iran's clerical leadership. Reformists won enough to expand their small bloc. A second round of voting for the remaining 81 seats is due April 25.

Montazeri said that "committed and serving individuals are barred" from running in elections "in the name of Islam" and that because of the disqualifications, the election was "neither free nor fair."

Montazeri was once tapped to succeed Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini as Iran's supreme leader, but was instead stripped of his designation as successor in late 1980s because of his criticisms of the excesses of the revolution, and differences with Khomeini.

Montazeri has since called for curtailing the unlimited powers of the current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has the final say on all state matters and is considered by hard-liners to be answerable only to God.

In November 1997, Montazeri was put under house arrest in his home in Qom, 80 miles south of the capital, Tehran, after saying Khamenei wasn't qualified to rule.

Montazeri, who also condemned the waves of executions that followed the revolution, spent five years under house arrest for the Khamenei criticism, and was freed in 2003.

He said in his new statement that the 1979 Islamic revolution toppled Iran's monarchy in the name of freedom that never materialized.

"The people, assuming the promises would be met, brought about the revolution and paid a heavy price but those promises were not met," said Montazeri, 86. "We promised to promote freedom, stop despotism and give value to people's views. It didn't happen."

Montazeri is one of just a few grand ayatollahs — the most senior theologians of the Shiite Muslim faith.

But after he was placed under house arrest, state-run media stopped referring to Montazeri by his religious title, describing him instead as a "simple-minded" cleric. Any talk about Montazeri was strongly discouraged, references to him in schoolbooks were removed and streets named after him were renamed.

But the ailing cleric is still respected by many Iranians, who observe his religious rulings or support his calls for democratic changes within the ruling establishment.