Friday, February 29, 2008

 

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL: Women act against repression and intimidation in Iran

28 February 2008

The Iranian authorities are continuing to harass activists working to defend women's rights. Ronak Safarzadeh and Hana Abdi – two Kurdish Iranian activists – currently remain detained without charge or trial. They were arrested in October and November 2007 for peacefully exercising their rights.

The two activists were working as part of The Campaign for Equality, an Iranian women's rights initiative. Launched in 2006, the campaign aims to collect one million signatures of Iranian nationals to a petition demanding an end to legal discrimination against women in Iran. The group also provides legal training to volunteers – both women and men – who then travel across the country to promote the campaign, and talk to women about their rights and the need for legal reform.

Women in Iran face far-reaching discrimination under the law. They are denied equal rights in marriage, divorce, child custody and inheritance. Evidence given by a woman in court is considered only worth half that given by a man. A girl under the age of 13 can be forced to marry a much older man if her father permits it.

With the increase in women's literacy in the last 30 years and the large number of women students at university, women are increasingly empowered to challenge discrimination. But their efforts are viewed with suspicion by the authorities, who have launched a campaign of intimidation and repression against them. The campaign's website has been blocked at least seven times by the authorities and its activists are being targeted because of their work.

In August 2007, Nasim Sarabandi and Fatemeh Dehdashti were the first women among the campaign's activists to receive prison sentences. Detained for 24 hours in January 2007 while collecting signatures in Tehran, they were later sentenced to six months' imprisonment, suspended for two years, after being charged with "acting against state security by propaganda against the system".

Over 40 others have been detained in connection with their campaigning activities, including Reza Dowlatshah. He was hosting an educational workshop for the campaign in September 2007, when he was detained for three days and beaten.

Although the obstacles are many, activists are still willing to risk their safety to bring about a fundamental change in how the Iranian authorities treat Iran's women. As Shadi Sadr, a lawyer currently facing possible imprisonment for her human rights work, says: "My grandmother wasn't allowed the life she wanted. I was lucky. I achieved everything but the struggle was still hard. I didn't want the dearest person in my life [my daughter] to have the same troubles."

These sentiments are echoed by former Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi, "We are a nation bursting with female ability. We are a country blessed with hard-working women desperate to make a contribution, but one hobbled by legalised prejudice and social bigotry. Now more than ever, the women of Iran deserve our support".

Rather than using its power to repress and intimidate those who protest and demand their rights, Iran's government should see the work of women's rights activists and human rights defenders as an asset, and recognize the important contribution that such activists and defenders are making to address discrimination and intolerance and to promote universal human rights for all Iranians.

Amnesty International has called on the government of Iran must take urgent steps to:

· dismantle discriminatory legislation

· release imprisoned women's rights defenders and stop detaining and harassing those peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly.

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43 Arrests in 14 Months

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article225

Sunday 24 February 2008

Detentions and Summons against Campaigners for Gender Equality

Compiled by: Maryam Hosseinkhah

Translated by: H. Milan

Change for Equality: The One Million Signature Campaign was launched a year and a half ago. During this time, thanks to the efforts of campaigners for equal rights in Tehran, the provinces, and abroad, the Campaign has spread its activities even outside of Iran. These relentless efforts continue despite official persecution and prosecution of campaigners including interrogations, detentions, and prison terms. At every encounter, Campaign members pull out their literature to discuss the impact of laws on women’s lives and ask ordinary people to sign the Campaign’s petition against discriminatory laws. Their goal is to use the public and urban space, a space that belongs to women, too, for initiating dialogues with the general public, men and women, and to gather their signatures.

The cost of pushing this social movement forward has been the issuance of temporary detention warrants for 43 Campaign activists (ranging from one day to five months), and the issuance of suspended prison sentences ( a total of 18 months). Acts of harassment and persecution happen during signature collection in public, following educational workshops, after small or large gatherings in Tehran and the provinces, and sometimes due to dissemination of news about the Campaign through its website. Here are the details of such instances:

December 15, 2006: First Detention— Collecting Signatures inside the Metro; Zeinab Peyghambarzadeh

The Campaign’s first meeting, marking its four month anniversary, was held in a member’s garage at their private house. Present at the meeting were activists involved with the Campaign. We hadn’t reached our homes yet when the news of Zeinab Peyghambarzadeh’s detention arrived. She had been discussing the campaign and discriminatory laws with people on the metro, asking them to sign up, when she was detained.

After 5 days of detention at Gisha and Vozara detention centers, she was charged with "acting against national security." After being interrogated at Branch 14 of the Revolutionary Court, she was released on December 19.

January 10, 2007: Collecting Signatures inside the Metro; Nasim Sarabandi and Fatemeh Dehdashti

Less than a month later, Nasim Sarabandi and Fatemeh Dehdashti were arrested while collecting signatures inside the metro, because of their reliance on peaceful methods for seeking their legal rights. Nasim and Fatemeh were held in Gisha detention center for one day before being released. As they had committed no criminal offense, it appeared their judicial case would be closed. However, these two female students received a summons in April 2007, demonstrating a change of course in the judicial inquiry.

Nasim and Fatemeh, both studying at Tehran University, said: "We were first called by the University security office (Herasat) who informed us of a summons by the Security Police. On April 18, 2007, we went to the branch of Security Police in Eshrat-Abad. We were interrogated again and from there they transferred us to the Security Branch of the Revolutionary Court, where we were interrogated yet again. There, the authorities charged us with "acting against national security through propaganda against the state." In our defense, we rejected these accusations."

After posting bail, Fatemeh Dahdashti and Nasim Sarabandi were released. Their trial took place on August 12, 2007. The judge sentenced them to six- month suspended prison sentences, for a period of two years.

April 2, 2007: Collecting Signatures in Laleh Park; Mahboubeh Hosseinzadeh and Nahid Keshavarz

The last day of the New Year Celebrations (Sizdah-be dar) saw the detention of five campaign activists on April 2, 2007. At first it appeared like an April Fool’s Day joke, since there were many people at Laleh Park, spreading their lunch picnics, which is not deemed illegal under any laws. Inviting people to sign a petition asking for reform of discriminatory laws, addressed to the Parliament, is not a crime under the law.

Regardless of these facts, the authorities arrested five campaigners: Saeedeh Amin, Sara Imanian, Mahboubeh Hosseinzadeh, Nahid Keshavarz, and Homayoun Nami . Security forces turned over the detainees to the office of Amaken (in charge of monitoring immoral behavior in public places) at Niloufar Square. After spending hours being questioned there, the detainees were transferred to the Vozara detention center where they spent the night.

The next day, three of the deatinees (Sara Imanian, Saeedeh Amin, and Homayoun Nami) were freed on their personal guarantees. Nahid Keshavarz and Mahboubeh Hosseinzadeh were transferred to Evin prison. Their transfer to Evin took place even though during their appearance in the Revolutionary Court they were told that they would be freed after posting bail.

Many lawyers told the Change for Equality website, that: "No laws in the Islamic Republic of Iran and its penal code consider collection of signatures to be a crime. These women have not committed any crimes under the law." Nonetheless, Mahboubeh and Nahid remained under detention for 13 days. They were eventually released on April 15, with a third party guarantee in the amount of 20 million tomans (US $22,222), paid only if they flee. Before leaving Evin prison, the authorities told them they were charged with "acting against national security through propaganda against the Order."

June 10, 2007: Collecting Signatures; Ehteram Shadfar (62 years old, a mother and a campaigner) and her neighbor

Two days before the anniversary of a public protest (June 12, 2006) by women’s rights activists, two other campaigners were detained. This time the harsh harassment targeted not young women campaigners, but their mothers.

The doorbell of Zeinab Ehteram Shadfar’s house rang at one o’clock p.m. on the afternoon of June 10, 2007. One of her neighbors, who is also active in the Campaign, asked Ehteram to answer the door. The neighbor, 50 years old, had earlier been detained for a short time while collecting signatures. The security forces took her campaign literature and sign-up sheets.

The agents at the door detained Ehteram and the neighbor without producing a warrant. When their families protested and expressed concern, the agents told them: "The assistant to the public prosecutor has ordered us to take them for some explanation and they will return in a few hours. Don’t worry and do not come looking for them, they will return on their own."

The families subsequently found out that the detainees were first taken to the Police Station (Amaken office) at Niloufar Square where a detention order for 24 hours was issued for them. Subsequently they were transferred to the Vozara detention center. At the security branch of the Revolutionary Court, Ehteram and her neighbor were released with their own personal guarantees. The neighbor’s judicial case was declared closed, but eight months later, on
February 19, 2007, Ehteram was sentenced to six months suspended prison sentence for the period of two years.

July 11, 2007: Male campaigner for equality jailed; Amir Yaghoob-ali

The Campaign is still going on, accumulating valuable experiences. New members are joining every day. The number of signatures is increasing and thus, detentions continue.

The authorities have announced that collecting signatures is the reason for detentions, but the trend of detentions is not always the same. After detaining mothers belonging to the campaign, it is now the turn of male campaigners for equal rights to face harassment.

Amir Yaghoobali, a male campaigner, was detained in Tehran’s Andisheh Park while collecting signatures. He was transferred to solitary confinement in Evin prison’s ward 209. When Amir’s mother asked the judge what the charges against her son were, the judge told her: "Amir is a man. Why is he involved in women’s issues? He should pay attention to his studies."

Amir’s detention became lengthy and the judicial authorities did not provide details about his case. Members of the Mothers’ Committee of the Campaign wrote a letter to the respected head of the Judiciary branch, protesting Amir’s detention as well as Bahareh Hedayat’s detention (Bahareh, a university student and campaigner, had at this time been detained in relation to her student-related activism). The mothers demanded proper judicial processes in these cases. A group of mothers delivered the letter to the office of the Judiciary head on July 25. After 28 days of solitary confinement, Amir was released upon posting bail in the amount of 20 million Toman (US$22,222) on August 8.

September 14, 2007: Detention of 25 participants during an educational workshop in Khorramabad

There has been a diversity of campaigners detained. This diversity also applies to methods and situations of detention. Police attacked an educational workshop arranged by the Campaign in the private home of a volunteer in the city of Khorramabad. The police beat and detained the 25 participants.

Only a few minutes into the start of the workshop, 10 armed policemen, both uniformed and in plain-clothes, accompanied by three female police officers, broke into the house violently. From the moment of their entrance, they attacked the host, severely beating him with their gun barrels and kicking him.

The police officers searched the house, insulted the participants, confiscated personal items, and detained all the participants. The men were taken out of the house in handcuffs; the women screamed in protest, refusing to be handcuffed. Upon being taken outside, the participants to their amazement encountered a crowd who had gathered to watch their arrest. The police had told the crowd that the participants were arrested for participating in a gathering which promoted debauchery!!

Twenty local participants, along with the five campaigners from Tehran, (Nafiseh Azad, Zara Amjadian, Jelveh Javaheri, Mansoureh Shojaii, and Nazli Farrakhi) who conducted the workshop, were released after a period of twelve hours, along with most other participants. Reza Dowlatshah, Bahman Azadi, and Khosrow Nasimpour, three local social activists from Khorramabad, however, were held for three days. They were released on the evening of September 16.

October 9, 2007: Detentions reach Kurdistan Province; Ronak Safazadeh

Security forces detained Ronak Safazadeh, a women’s rights activist in Sanandaj, at her home. According to her family, Ronak, along with her friend Hana Abdi, participated in a celebration on the occasion of Children’s Day for children at Horaz Institute in Sanandaj. They had made 500 copies of the Campaign’s literature, to collect signatures during the celebration. As they engaged in signature collection, a security agent took the sign-up sheet away from Ronak. The next morning security forces went to Ronak’s and Hana’s homes at 7 o’clock in the morning. They couldn’t find Hana, but detained Ronak as she was walking to work. Then they entered her house, searching it, confiscating some of Ronak’s personal belongings.

According to Ronak’s family, she was transferred to the local branch of the Intelligence ministry in Sanandaj and agents took Campaign petitions as well as 5000 copies of the Campaign’s educational literature from Ronak’s house. After 18 days of no news on her case, the authorities told Ronak’s family that a one month temporary detention order had been issued for Ronak.
More than four months have passed since Ronak’s detention. Reportedly, she is now in the public ward of Sanandaj prison. Ronak, 21 years old, is a graphic artist, active in local women’s organizations, and a member of the Azarmehr Women’s Association in Kurdistan.

November 4, 2007: Detentions continue in Kurdistan Province; Hana Abdi

A month after of Ronak’s detention, Hana Abdi, another women’s right activist, was detained on November 4, 2007. Hana had been collecting signatures together with Ronak on October 8. According to her family, intelligence agents detained Hana at her grandfather’s home in Sanandaj. After detaining her, the agents went to her house, confiscating her computer and Campaign literature.

Hana is 21 years old and studies psychology at Payam Noor University in Birjand. She has been active collecting signatures for the Campaign. On February 11, Ronak and Hana met with their lawyer, Mohammad Sharif. While their judicial cases are in the investigation phase, persons close to intelligence circles—not judicial officials— accused these two women of crimes relating to national security. Their families insist their daughters were detained in connection with their work collecting signatures for the Campaign.

After much effort, their lawyer, Mohammad Sharif, finally was able to meet with them. Sharif is concerned about heavy sentences that may be issued based on confessions obtained from his clients while in detention and against the law. He said: "Unfortunately these two young women were interrogated while being held in solitary confinement using illegal methods and accused of very serious charges. According to the law, in my opinion these confessions are not valid and cannot be used in the court as credible evidence. Thus my first act was to request from the judge that their temporary detention orders be converted to bail orders. I hope the court will agree with this request, and will release them soon, while they await a trial. After their release, a trial according to legal standards must be held."

November 18, 2007: An Internet blogger and journalist is detained; Maryam Hosseinkhah
Until this date, the authorities justified all the detentions as a response to signature collection by campaigners. Maryam Hosseinkhah’s detention broke this trend.

She received a summons to appear at the security branch of the Revolutionary Court on

November 15, 2004. During her interrogation sessions on November 17, she was charged with acting against national security, publication of lies, and disturbing public opinion by writing for the Campaign’s website (Change for Equality) and the Zanestan website (belonging to the Women’s Cultural Center). She returned the next day for more interrogations but a bail was set in the amount of 100 million tomans (US $ 111,000), which her family could not afford. She was transferred to Evin prison’s general ward on November 18.

She was in detention for 45 days as her family made it clear they could not afford such heavily bail. She was eventually released when her bail amount was reduced to a bank guarantee in the amount of 5 million toman (US$5,555).

December 1, 2007: detention of another blogger and campaigner; Jelveh Javaheri

Two weeks after Mayam Hosseinkhah was detained due t o her writings for the Campaign’s website, another campaigner and writer for the site was detained. She was summoned to the security branch number one of the Revolutionary Court. After interrogations, she was charged with "disturbing public opinion, propaganda against the state, publication of lies for writing for the site of the Campaign (Change for Equality)." Her bail was set at 50 million toman (US$ 55,555), which her family was unable to post. After 30 days in prison, she was eventually released when her bail amount was reduced to a bank guarantee in the amount of 5 million toman (US$5,555).

February 14, 2008: Another two detentions for collecting signatures; Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi

A street play about polygamy was scheduled for February 14 during the international Fajr film festival. A number of Campaign activists, intending to prepare a report, went to Daneshjoo park, where the play was to be performed. After the play ended they engaged the audience on the issue of polygamy, asking them to sign the Campaign’s petition. Security forces detained two of the activists, Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi. They are charged with "propaganda against the state."

The security forces first took the detainees to the local police station branch 129 (Jami), then to the Security Police No. 8 where they were interrogated. They were subsequently transferred to Vozara detention center, where they spent 2 nights in detention.

On February 16, the Revolutionary Court set a bail in the amount of 20 million tomans (US$22,222) for these two young women’s rights activists. Not being able to meet such heavy bail, they were transferred to Evin prison’s public ward where they remain as of this writing.

********
The majority of the activists detained for collecting signatures have been charged with "acting against national security." Farideh Gheirat, a member of the National Lawyers Association, believes collecting signatures for a petition asking for changes to discriminatory laws is not an offense consistent with the charge of "acting against national security" and has no bearing on such a crime.

According to her, the entire Campaign and its goals cannot be considered a criminal act. The Campaign’s goals are clear as elaborated in its petition. Anyone familiar with the law can note that the Campaign’s goal is to address legal gender discrimination. This is the sole purpose of the Campaign, not changing the political system or actions that can be considered as security threats.

We asked Shirin Ebadi, who represents many of the detained Campaigners, what should be done when campaigners collecting signatures are accused of endangering national security. Shall we be resigned to the fact that such civil and legal action, the peaceful collection of signatures, is considered illegal? "Anyone who would reason that collecting signatures endangers national security is indeed insulting the Islamic Republic’s system, because he is declaring the Islamic Republic so weak that its security is endangered by collecting signatures. In my opinion people who bring such charges and issue sentences and promote this line of reasoning, are they themselves guilty of disruption of public opinion. Because through such actions they are telling the people that there is no security in the country and the level of security is so low that collecting signatures [for a petition aimed at the legislator] would endanger it. Therefore such judicial sentences are in themselves an act of which qualifies as disruption of public opinion."
Other cases of illegal harassment in Tehran and the Provinces Interrogation and detention of campaigners based on a variety of excuses is another form of harassment that members of the Campaign have endured. In addition to continuous summons to court and interrogation issued for Campaign members, threats intent on forcing Campaign activists to cancel meetings which they hold in their private residences, and security forces preventing members entering campaign meetings are some of the examples of obstacles faced by this social and civil movement that pursues its goals the most peaceful of means. In Tehran, the security police has summoned and interrogated Nafiseh Azad, Parastoo Allahyari, Najmeh Zare, Behnaz Shekaryar, Nasrin Farhoumand, and Khadijeh Moghadam for holding meetings at their private homes, or attending meetings of the Campaign.

Shirin Ebadi considers these actions extra-judicial and says: "Unfortunately, a novel method of violating human rights recently has become common. As such the extent of social freedoms as guaranteed by the constitution is becoming more and more limited each day. These limitations on social freedoms are a sign of disregard for the constitution."

According to reports from the provinces, campaign members have also been interrogated in other cities, including in Isfahan, Shiraz, Kermanshah, Anzali, Rasht, and Hamedan.

In conclusion, according to the available information, 43 members of the campaign have been detained, 15 of whom were arrested while collecting signatures. Other detentions relate to the campaign-related activities. The charges brought against all detainees are acting against national security and propaganda against the State. Additionally, six campaign members have been summoned and interrogated.

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Answers to Your Most Frequently Asked Questions About the Campaign

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article226

Sunday 24 February 2008

by: Sussan Tahmasebi

What is the One Million Signatures Campaign?

The One Million Signatures Campaign officially launched on August 27, 2006, aims to collect one million signatures in support of a petition addressed to the Iranian Parliament asking for the revision and reform of current laws which discriminate against women. One of the main aims of the Campaign is to educate citizens and particularly women about the negative impact of these discriminatory laws on the lives of women and society as a whole. Those who agree with the aims of the Campaign can support it by signing the petition. Those who are interested in becoming more involved can become involved in local groups working on the Campaign. The Campaign uses a face-to-face education approach in promoting awareness about the laws, and Campaign activists after going through a training course on the laws, and face-to-face approach, can become more involved by collecting signatures from fellow citizens. To date, nearly 1,000 individuals have been trained in this method, but there are countless others who have downloaded the petition from our site or have received it from friends and who are engaged in signature collections. The Campaign is officially active in over 15 provinces. In Tehran, the Campaign is organized in a committee format, where the bulk of the activities of the Campaign are carried out. In the provinces, local volunteers decide the structure of the Campaign and how to carryout its work based on local needs and resources. The document "About the One Million Signatures Campaign" explains more about the Campaign, its goals and its methodology:

What laws exactly are you seeking to change?

The Campaign is asking that all discriminatory laws against women be reformed. The kinds of changes we are requesting in the laws have been outlined and explained in the educational booklet of the Campaign, the "Effect of Laws on Women’s Lives.".

The booklet discusses some of the legal changes that the Campaign seeks, such as equal rights for women in marriage, equal rights to divorce for women, end to polygamy and temporary marriage, increase of age of criminal responsibility to 18 for both girls and boys, right for women to pass on nationality to their children, equal dieh (compensation for bodily injury or death) between women and men, equal inheritance rights, reform of laws that reduce punishment for offenders in cases of honor killings, equal testimony rights for men and women in court, and other laws which discriminate against women.

Are the demands of the Campaign in opposition to Islam?

No. While the Campaign seeks to bring Iranian law addressing women’s status in line with international human rights standards, these demands are in no way in contradiction to Islam. Iranian law is based on interpretations of Sharia law, but these interpretations have been up for debate by religious scholars for some time, not only in Iran but around the Islamic world. Shiite Islam, on which the interpretations of Sharia rely with respect to Iranian law, claims to be dynamic and responsive to the specific needs of people and time. Iranian society has changed much since 1400 years ago, but the interpretations of Sharia on which the Iranian law is based remain rather conservative. We ask that the laws come in line with international human rights standards and recognize the important role that religious scholars can play in facilitating our demand. In fact, long before the start of the Campaign, religious scholars, including ayatollahs Sanei’i and Bojnourdi, for example, using dynamic jurisprudence and ijtahad had addressed some of our demands by offering new and progressive interpretations of Sharia with respect to women’s rights. But these interpretations have not been translated into laws governing the rights of women. We hope that our effort will convey the urgency of our demands to lawmakers and hope that religious scholars take a more active role in examining these laws and bringing them inline with the realities of Iranian women and Iranian society. In fact, activists in the Campaign welcome progressive interpretations of Islam with regard to women’s rights and some have even held discussions with religious scholars in this respect.

Who can sign the petition?

Only Iranian nationals can sign the petition and only their signatures count toward the one million to be presented to the Parliament. Second generation Iranians living abroad who have one Iranian parent can also sign the petition. International supporters can express their solidarity by issuing statements of support for our effort or signing the petition for international support. To date, many Nobel peace prize winners, the Dahli Lama and other well known international figures have expressed solidarity with our efforts. But the signature of international supporters does not count toward the one million signatures we are aiming to collect.

How long will the Campaign last?

The Campaign will last until the one million signatures are collected. Initially Campaign activists assumed that it would take 2-3 years to collect the signatures, but the process of signature collection has been slower than expected, because changing patriarchal cultures takes time and because activists have faced pressure and limitations from security forces. Nevertheless, the activists are committed to continuing the work of the Campaign and the Campaign continues to grow and progress.

How many signatures have you collected?

On the one year anniversary of the Campaign, activists decided not to announce the number of signatures, because many signed petitions especially from the provinces, had not been submitted to the documentation committee of the Campaign which is charged with tallying the number of signatures. We will announce the number of signatures in the future and once petitions from around the country can be collected.

What’s the Campaign’s Policy on Funding?

Early on, in the first couple of meetings related to the Campaign and prior to its official launch, the issue of funding was brought up and put to rest. It was decided, and the Campaign stands firm on this issue to this day, that no funding support from international organizations, foundations or governments whether overt or covert would be accepted. It was further agreed that no funding from national organizations and foundations or government institutions, whether overt or covert would be accepted by the Campaign. For those of us starting this effort, and for those who joined subsequently, the issue of independence was the most important issue. We knew that if we were to be successful in reaching the grassroots and the Iranian population and establishing relationships based on trust, there should be no question about our independence. And financial support from institutions, whether national or international, would quickly erode that trust and our standing in establishing an independent movement. At the same time we realized that the success of our effort was based largely on our success in creating a sense of ownership among activists involved in the Campaign and supporters as well. The contribution of funds, however small, from individual members and supporters of the Campaign would go a long way to reinforce this sense of ownership.

From the start however, we faced accusations from security forces, whether official or spread in the form of rumors, or published untruths in news outlets associated with security apparatuses, in regards to receiving support or direction from the West. The saving grace for the Campaign here has been that all its members understand and fully believe that the Campaign is a home grown effort, which relies on the ideas, and energies of Iranians, especially young women and men, for its sustenance, and on the personal contributions of individual members and supporters to meet its financial obligations. And certainly, in this sense the Campaign can set an example for other efforts in Iran and internationally.

Additionally, much of the Campaign’s activities have been sustained by contributions of time and non-monetary resources of individual members and supporters. For example, Campaign meetings and events are often held in the homes of members, who cover costs associated with these meetings out of pocket. Those traveling to the provinces to conduct training workshops or connect with members in other cities, pay for travel costs out of pocket, and stay in the homes of friends and family or other Campaign activists. Contributions from supporters are largely used to support the work of the website and the printing of educational pamphlets on the laws, which are distributed to the public as an educational tool. With this level of commitment we have managed to grow and still remain independent. We ask that our volunteers and those people who identify themselves as Campaign members, to adhere to these general ethical guidelines in their cooperation with us. So, if you ever hear someone accusing the Campaign of receiving financial support from international groups, you should seriously question the credibility of the information being provided and if anyone ever approaches an international organization seeking financial support for the Campaign, you should seriously question the credibility of the individual.

How does the Iranian public react to your efforts?

People’s reaction to the Campaign is varied. Many support our effort and can demonstrate that support by adding their signature to the petition or becoming more involved. We realize that besides laws and some resistance from those in power, we also face cultural resistance, from a small segment of society. This is why the Campaign has adopted the face-to-face education approach, so that a true discussion on women’s rights can take place among citizens. Change in cultural attitudes, especially patriarchal beliefs deeply imbedded in society takes time and the educational component of the Campaign is one of the most important components of this effort. At the same time Campaign activists contend that women’s social status in Iranian society has improved considerably. Women are present in all social spheres. Over 60% of college entrances and larger percentages of college graduates are women. Women are present in local and national government and high decision making levels (though, similar to other countries, especially in the region, this representation continues to lag far behind that of men). Women are educators, university professors, health care providers, business owners, etc. Campaign activists feel that the laws governing the status of women are far behind the realities of women’s lives and their social gains in Iran and as such need to be reformed. They believe that in an effort to promote women’s equal status, laws should be ahead of cultural norms and currently they are far behind cultural and social realities and as such reform is necessary.

Is the Campaign opposed to the government of Iran?

No. The Campaign is not an opposition group or opposed to the government. It seeks to work within the existing system to create change and to express the demands of a major segment of the Iranian population to the government. The Campaign’s petition is directly addressing the Iranian public and the Iranian legislature (Parliament). Some within the government or within political groups have supported and signed the Campaign’s petition, especially reformists, including many former parliamentarians, some current reformist parliamentarians, people from ruling-religious families, etc. Some Campaign members have even reached out to parliamentarians and other political figures to introduce the Campaign and speak about its demands. Since the start of the Campaign, there has also been much discussion among decision-makers and religious leaders about the need to reform laws on women. Activists hope that through this effort, the urgency of the matter will be conveyed to the Parliament, forcing them to act with expedience and greater resolve, than they would if left up to their own accord. Since the start of the Campaign, the discourse on women’s rights has become common place, among grassroots groups and citizens as well as those in the highest levels of public office and this is a major achievement and source of pride, demonstrating the success of the Campaign and its peaceful and civic strategies.

What kind of resistance and pressure have Campaign activists faced from government?

From the start of the Campaign we have faced resistance from some segments of the Iranian government, particularly security forces. The inaugural seminar of the Campaign, marking its official start was thwarted by security forces who did not allow the seminar to take place. As such, the Campaign started its work on the streets, behind the closed doors of Ra’ad conference hall. Since then, our efforts to secure public seminar space for conferences addressing women’s rights, or meetings for Campaign members have been systematically denied. Our website has been systematically blocked and filtered (over ten times). Newspapers and the press have been warned against covering news about our activities so use of the regular media to conduct education and outreach for our efforts is not an available option and we have had to rely on our face-to-face education strategies for spreading news about our efforts and demands. Also, our members have been arrested, despite the fact that our work is peaceful and civic and there is no law that bans the collection of signatures in support of petitions directed at the Parliament. To date, 43 individuals have been arrested in direct relation to their activities in the Campaign. Because we have been systematically denied the use of public seminar and conference halls for the convening of our meetings, we are forced to hold meetings in our own homes. But these meetings too have been broken up by security forces, or homeowners have been harassed prior to the convening of meetings. Some homeowners have been called in for interrogation following meetings in their homes. Campaign activists who have been summoned to court or arrested have been charged with security charges, such as spreading of propaganda against the state and endangering national security. Despite these pressures, Campaign activists stand firm on the belief that their activities are legal and that they are not intended to endanger national security or spread propaganda against the state. As such, they are continuing with their activities with greater resolve. To read more about the pressures on Campaign activists take a look at the article, "Detentions and Summonses against Campaigners for Gender Equality."

Those Campaign activists who have been arrested and imprisoned for more than a few days, have systematically taken their activism inside women’s prisons where many women have resorted to committing crimes, because the legal system did not support them in a just manner. These activists have taken it upon themselves to tell the stories of these women and to initiate efforts designed to improve their circumstances in prison. Needless to say, female prisoners in Evin’s public ward, where most activists who have been incarcerated for any length of time have been held, as well as guards, have come to know and respect the activists involved in the Campaign as well as the aims of the Campaign, and treat activists well during their stay in prison.

If the Campaign is not working in opposition to the government, then why have there been so many arrests of activists?

Addressing social inequities and patriarchal practices is difficult in all societies and women around the world have had to pay a high price for achieving equality. We don’t believe that our movement is different than similar movements for equal rights by women internationally. There has always been resistance to change of patriarchal systems and the resistance to women gaining their rights in Iran can be classified as such. Additionally, citizen’s movements such as this tend to be uncommon and a new experience in Iran. It takes time for officials to get used to people taking charge and pressing in peaceful and civil means for their demands and the right to be heard. While the Campaign is focused on the common demand of women for equal rights, we do feel that this new and peaceful approach, which does not utilize antagonistic means, will hold lessons for all citizens who wish to have their voices heard by their government and their representatives in Parliament.

How can international organizations or individuals support your effort?

Many international organizations, especially human rights organizations, have expressed their support for our work, which we appreciate. The most important and helpful type of support comes from independent human rights and women’s rights organizations. It is important for the safety of activists that support is not posed in terms that can be closely linked with "regime change" efforts or propaganda, because not only is this not a goal of the Campaign, but it will endanger activists working on the ground and the Campaign too will lose credibility among its true audience which is the Iranian public. It is not to the benefit of individual activists or the Campaign to receive support from government groups or quasi- government groups which are closely linked with or are traditionally viewed as hostile to the Iranian government, because we will suffer a backlash at home. We cannot control the type of support we receive from international groups, but we urge international groups to take into consideration the best interest of the Campaign and its activists and act ethically and responsibly in this respect.
Support us through the following means:

• Support us by publicizing our efforts;

• Post our articles on your website: we have an English website that posts translations of articles by activists or original articles on the Campaign. Our English site is updated regularly. You can link our site or post articles by our members, which appear on our English website (credit should be given to the author, translator and the site). Take a look at: www.we4change.com/english;

• Express your solidarity for the campaign in polite and non-political terms (we are not an opposition group and should not be touted as such);

• Support us when activists get arrested by writing polite letters to Iranian officials requesting their immediate release, their fair treatment in prison and in court, or by posting news on your website about our imprisoned colleagues; and

• Share with us experiences of women’s movements in your countries addressing similar issues or utilizing similar strategies, so that we can learn from the experiences of women around the globe.

Contact us at: forequaltiy@gmail.com

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# posted by International@jomhouri.com @ 4:25 PM  0 comments

 

Nasim Khosravi and Raheleh Asgarizadeh Released from Prison

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article215

Change for Equality: February 27, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, were released on Tuesday February 26th at 7:00pm. These two members of the Campaign were arrested while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition asking for changes in laws that discriminate against women. They were sent to prison, when they were not able to post the 20 million Tomans bail that was set for them. After 13 days in detention, their bail amount was reduced to a third party guaranteed in the sum of 10 million tomans, after they were called into court again and officially charged. Their family members provided the guarantee to the Revolutionary Courts on Tuesday afternoon, and the two women’s rights activists were released later that day.

Nasim and Raheleh were met by their friends and family at Evin prison, who had been waiting impatiently for their release, followed by a warm celebration. Raheleh and Nasim were both thankful for the kind treatment they received from fellow inmates, and commented that learned much about the negative impact of discriminatory laws on the lives of women, during their stay in Evin. They expressed that the experience has left them with greater resolve to continue along their path and to work for equality of men and women.

Campaign Members Visit with Families of Imprisoned Activists, Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi

Change for Equality, February 25, 2008: More than a week has passed since the arrest of Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi and their subsequent transfer to Evin Prison. Some of the activists involved in the Campaign took this opportunity to visit with the families of these two women’s rights activists. The following are excerpts of the discussions that took place during these visits.

Khadijeh Moghaddam: We have to tell the whole world that our activities are peaceful.

On Wednesday February 20, 2008, some members of the Mother’s Committee of the Campaign and Mothers for Peace visited with the families of Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi. During this visit, Khadijeh Moghaddam member of the Mother’s Committee of the Campaign, while expressing sympathy for the families of these two imprisoned women’s rights activists, said: "we have to tell the whole world that our activities are peaceful and it is not appropriate that we are treated in this manner. They want to inflict fear into the hearts of our children, but are our children supposed to be afraid of? Should they be afraid because they are demanding treatment as full human beings?"

In relation to the six months suspended sentence issued to Ehteram Shadfar, who is also a member of the Mother’s Committee of the Campaign, Khadijeh Moghaddam had the following to say: "unfortunately they increase pressures on us daily, they threaten the mothers, they summon them to court, or they give them warnings. The last of such actions can be witnessed in the issuance of a suspended sentence of six months to Ehteram Shadfar. They want to wear us out so that we tire, but we will not tire, because what we are speaking about and are demanding constitute the most basic of human rights for women. We demand this for ourselves and for our children, and for all the women of our country, who suffer because of these discriminatory laws."
While commending the positive and logical reaction of Raheleh’s family in relation to her arrest, Moghaddam continued by claiming, that: "I want to congratulate the parents of Raheleh for having brought up such a responsible girl. I also want to congratulate Raheleh and her sister Ghazaleh for having such admirable parents. When parents are well informed they tend to support their children better. When we see families like yours, we become even more determined with respect to our goals to elevate the culture of society. One father, like Raheleh’s supports his daughter in such an admirable manner and by so doing strengthens her resolve to continue along this path, another father, stones his 14 year old girl to death [for suspicion of inappropriate sexual behavior/relations]. We hereby announce that despite all these pressures, not only will we not tire, but we will become more determined. The signatures are not important. What is important is working to address cultural problems in our society, so that all families will end up being similar to that of Raheleh’s.

Raheleh’s father also had a few words to add in this meeting, in regards to the arrest of his daughter and that of Nasim Khosravi. "I am happy that Raheleh has chosen the right path for her life on her own. We have only been advisers in this choice. The members of the Campaign don’t work against the interests of the country, otherwise parents would prevent their children from cooperating with this effort. No one can overlook their inalienable rights," commented Mr. Asgarizadeh, Raheleh’s father.

Irandokht Famili, Raheleh’s mother also added: "Raheleh encouraged us to also collect signatures in support of the Campaign. As such, I and her father are now working to collect signatures for the Campaign’s petition. I am proud of Raheleh. She has done nothing wrong, for which we should be ashamed. She makes us proud, because she is working to improve her country." Ghazaleh, Raheleh’s sister, while highlighting Raheleh’s efforts to end legal discrimination against women, explained to visitors, that: "Raheleh has continued her activism even while in detention. When she was first taken to Vozara detention center, before her transfer to Evin prison, Raheleh had the opportunity to talk with about 50 young men and women, who had been arrested after attending a mixed party. Raheleh told them about the Campaign, and encouraged them to get involved in efforts that work toward the improvement of society. These young people were so impressed, that they all expressed interest in learning more about the Campaign and about women’s rights."

Nasim’s Husband: "I believe in Nasim’s efforts on behalf of women."

After their visit with the family of Raheleh, the members of the Mothers Committee visited with Ali Vaezipour, Nasim Khosravi’s husband. Dr. Vaezi explained, "I introduced Nasim to the Campaign, which I had come to know about through the Internet. I believe in Nasim’s efforts on behalf of women and the Campaign, and I myself collect signatures for the Campaign. Once Nasim saw firsthand for herself the level of dedication on the part of activists involved in the Campaign, she made a decision to become more involved. Currently, we are trying our utmost to ensure the release of Nasim and Raheleh.

Khadijeh Moghaddam, in this visit explained, "Nasim has worked very hard to ensure equality of rights between men and women. Imprisonment in the case of someone who has worked so hard for her society is not a just reward. I hope that both Nasim and Raheleh are released from prison soon."

At the conclusion of this visit, the members of the Mothers’ Committee of the Campaign, expressed their support for Nasim and Raheleh and their families, and stressed that they will take all necessary steps to ensure their freedom. They expressed admiration for the civil and peaceful strategies that young women like Nasim and Raheleh employ through the Campaign and viewed the continued pressure and crackdown on Campaign members as part of a continual effort to limit the rights of assembly of citizens and lack of adherence by officials toward laws that protect the rights of citizens in the constitution.

Friends of Nasim and Raheleh visit their families

Some of the Members of the Campaign and friends of Nasim and Raheleh also visited with their family members on the afternoon of February 18th. During this visit, Nasim’s husband explained that, "Nasim was in good spirits when she called me and in general she benefits from a strong spirit. She spoke of the kind treatment of other female inmates toward her and Raheleh. Nasim is an artist and even before her involvement with the Campaign she was very sensitive to and cared about gender discrimination issues. Prior to becoming more involved in the Campaign, she worked to collect signatures for its petition." Nasim’s husband continued by explaining that, "Nasim has been writing poetry since she was 14 years old and has received prestigious awards for her poetry on numerous occasions. She is also active as an actor and director of the theatre. Nasim has made two documentary films which will soon be complete. The fight for equality of women and men and women’s rights has always been present in Nasim’s work."

In their visit with friends of Raheleh and Nasim and Campaign members, Raheleh’s parents, explained that they still have not been provided any answers with respect to the case of their daughter from officials at the Revolutionary courts. The two once again expressed support for the activities of their daughter. Ms. Famili, Raheleh’s mother explained: "My daughter has worked to ensure my rights. I am proud of Raheleh for her activism. When Raheleh first started her activities in the Campaign, she came to discuss the risks with us. Her father told her that we are prepared for everything, but still asked her to be careful and to try not to get into trouble or arrested. Now that she has been arrested, we will put our trust in god. I accept the fact that my daughter is active on these issues in this country and I know the price that has to be paid for change. The first time I saw Raheleh handcuffed, I almost cried. What have these two young women done to deserve such treatment?" Ms. Famili, who is also a member of the Campaign, explained that officials have thus far treated them well, but also explained that these officials are nervous about one million women pouring into the streets.

Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi were arrested on February 14, 2008, while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition asking the parliament to reform discriminatory laws against women. Lawyers and legal experts, as well as Campaign members, contend that there is nothing illegal about collecting signatures for such a petition.

"We are Proud of Raheleh and Nasim for their Commitment to Women’s Rights" Claims Raheleh’s Mother Change for Equality, February 20, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi contacted their family members on Sunday February 17, 2008 to inform them that they had been transferred to Evin’s public ward 3.

Ali Vaezipour, Nasim’s husband explains: "Nasim called me last night and today from prison. She was in good spirits and explained that female prisoners there are treating her and Raheleh very well."

In relation to the bail amount set for Nasim, Mr. Vaezipour explains: "I am a general physician and with limited income, so I cannot come up with the 20 million Tomans (roughly $22000) bail amount set for her release. As such, I will try to convince the courts to reduce the bail amount to a third-party guarantee."

Ghazaleh Asgarizadeh, Raheleh’s sister, who had gone to the Revolutionary courts on Sunday to follow the case of her sister, explains: "they have not given us a definite answer in relation to my sister’s case and we were not allowed to visit the judge in charge of Raheleh’s case. In this respect, the court officials explained to us that a case number for her case has yet to be issued. My sister and her friends haven’t done anything, besides advocating for the rights of women."
Raheleh Asgarizadeh’s mother who is also a member of the Mother’s Committee of the Campaign, explains: "my husband and I are proud of Raheleh, for her activism on behalf of women’s rights and her own rights as a woman. Because I too work with the Campaign, I understand that we must pay a price to bring about change and I am willing to endure these consequences."

Raheleh’s mother explains further: "Raheleh has not committed a crime for which we now have to post a high bail amount. Her father insists that we wait until her innocence is proven, and the judge reduces her bail amount to a third-party guarantee."

In their telephone contact from prison, Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, spoke of the kind treatment they had received from fellow inmates as well as prison guards. In this short time since their transfer to Prison, Raheleh and Nasim have put many of the female inmates in touch with lawyers working with the Campaign, so that they too can benefit from appropriate legal representation.

Nasrin Sotoodeh, Shirin Ebadi and Leila Alikarami are the lawyers representing Raheleh and Nasim.

Raheleh and Nasim were arrested on February 14, 2008 while collecting signatures in Park Daneshjoo following a street play on the subject of women’s rights. They were transferred to
Evin Prison on Saturday February 16, 2008.

Transfer of Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi to Evin Prison

Change for Equality: February 16, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, two members of the Campaign who were arrested on Thursday February 14, 2007, were charged with "propaganda against the state" and transferred to Evin prison on the afternoon of February 16, 2008. The two women’s rights activists had been transferred from Vozara detention center to the Revolutionary Courts earlier this morning, where they were charged and a bail of 20 Million Tomans (roughly $22,000) was set for their release. Unable to provide the bail, the two were handcuffed and transferred to Evin prison. These two women’s rights activists were arrested while collecting signatures in Daneshjoo Park, after attending a street theatre, on the subject of women’s rights.

Prior to their transfer from the Courts, Raheleh and Nasim had an opportunity speak with their friends and family who were waiting outside the court house. Raheleh and Nasim used this time to tell their friends about the two nights they spent in detention, and their conversations with other female prisoners and guards about women’s rights and the demands of the Campaign. During their court hearing, they were asked by the judge to explain what laws they objected to and why they thought these laws to be discriminatory in nature. In response Raheleh and Nasim spoke to the judge and told him stories about the discrimination that women endure because of the law.

With the arrest of Raheleh and Nasim Khosravi, the number of women’s rights defenders arrested in direct relation to their peaceful activities in support of the Campaign, has reached 43 persons. These women’s rights activists have been arrested because of their demand for equality. At the same time, activists in the Campaign, maintain that the expression of these demands is not in violation of any national law and the activities of the Campaign are carried out in the most peaceful manner.

Campaign Members Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi Arrested

Change for Equality: February 15, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, two members of the One Million Signatures Campaign were arrested on the afternoon of February 14th, in Daneshjoo Park, while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition. After their arrest, these two women’s rights activists were taken to police station 129 (Jaami) and then transferred to the security police station number 8 for interrogation. Upon completion of their interrogation they were transferred to Vozara detention center.

After hours of waiting in front of the police station in the hopes of finding out about the status of these two women’s rights activists, their families suspecting that the women had been transfered to another location, decided to inquire about their whereabouts by going to several detention centers. Finally, at midnight on February 15th, family members discovered that the two women had been transferred to Vozara detention center.

On the morning of February 15th, Raheleh and Nasim were taken to the Revolutionary Courts, but the on-duty judge was not available, so they were transferred back to Police Station 8, where they will be held, until it is determined which detention center they will be transferred to.
Raheleh and Nasim are both active members of the Campaign in Tehran and members of the arts and media committees.

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# posted by International@jomhouri.com @ 4:12 PM  0 comments

Sunday, February 24, 2008

 

Iran: Halt Execution of Juvenile Offender

(New York, February 22, 2008)

? The head of Iran?s judiciary, Ayatollah Shahrudi, should immediately order a stay of execution for Mohammad Reza Haddadi, who was sentenced to death for a crime that he allegedly committed at the age of 15, Human Rights Watch said today.

Human Rights Watch has learned that Haddadi is at risk of execution in the province of Fars.

Judicial authorities should investigate defense claims that Haddadi did not commit the crime with which he was charged. They must also look into claims that his co-defendants pressured and bribed Haddadi to confess. Whatever the outcome of such an investigation, Haddadi?s death sentence should be quashed as being a violation of Iran?s human rights obligations not to execute juvenile offenders.

?Executing someone for a crime committed as a child is always wrong, but the flawed trial in this case compounds the injustice,? said Clarisa Bencomo, Middle East children?s rights researcher for Human Rights Watch. ?The head of Iran?s judiciary should halt the execution and order a full investigation into the case.?

Haddadi was sentenced to death in 2004 after being convicted on the basis of his confession and statements from his co-defenders. However, he retracted his confession prior to the conclusion of his trial, and his co-defendants also subsequently withdrew their statements implicating him.

Human Rights Watch also called on the Iranian government to immediately and effectively ban the death penalty in all cases of persons under 18 at the time of the alleged offense. Iran leads the world in executing juvenile offenders ? persons under 18 at the time of the crime ? and is known to have executed at least six juvenile offenders in 2007. According to Amnesty International, as of January 2008 at least 86 juvenile offenders were awaiting execution in Iran.

The Criminal Court in Kazeroon sentenced Haddadi to death on January 6, 2004, for the August 2003 kidnapping and murder of taxi driver Mohammad Bagher Rahmat. Mohammad Reza?s co-defendants in the case, all over 18 at the time of the crime, received lesser sentences despite testimony directly implicating them in the murder. Haddadi had confessed to the crime but retracted his confession in a letter to the court, claiming that his co-defendants tricked him into taking the blame by falsely promising to provide his family with money and other benefits if he did so.

According to Mohammad Reza?s Haddadi?s lawyer, the first suspect arrested in the case, a relative named Karim Haddadi told investigators in October 2003 that he, Mehdi Sassani, Taghi Haddadi, and Mohammad Ghorbani assaulted the driver and that Sassani, Taghi Haddadi, and Ghorbani then beat and strangled him to death. Mohammed Reza Haddadi was not implicated in the murder by any of these suspects until later in the investigation (following which he was arrested by the police.)

According to his lawyer, when Mohammad Reza Haddadi learned that his mother had not received money from the co-defendants, he wrote to the court on November 4, 2003, retracting his confession. Despite his withdrawal of his confession, the court proceeded to sentence him to death for the murder, as well as to 15 years in prison for kidnapping and one year in prison for hiding the body.

Branch 42 of the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence on July 3, 2005, despite the fact that Haddadi?s appeal papers included statements in which his co-defendants withdrew their earlier testimony that had implicated him in the murder. Mohammad Reza Haddadi is currently held in Adel Abad jail in the city of Shiraz, and could be executed at any time.

Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all circumstances because of its cruel and inhumane nature. In particular, in imposing death sentences on people for crimes committed before the age of 18, Iran flouts clear and specific human rights obligations. The imposition of the death penalty for such offenses is prohibited under two key human rights treaties that Iran has ratified: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. These provisions reflect the reality that children are different from adults. They lack the experience, judgment, maturity, and restraint of an adult.

Iranian officials claim that legislation pending in parliament since July 2006 would end executions of juvenile offenders. In fact, the legislation would only offer the possibility of reduced sentences in a small minority of cases.

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# posted by International@jomhouri.com @ 5:38 PM  0 comments

Saturday, February 23, 2008

 

Human Rights and Religious Freedom in Iran

http://www.usip.org/congress/testimony/2008/0221_slavin.html

Briefings and Congressional Testimony

Testimony of Senior Fellow Barbara Slavin before the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom.
February 21, 2008

I want to thank the commission for asking me to testify about this very important topic. Because of the absence of diplomatic relations between our two countries since 1980, only a small number of American journalists and no American officials have recent on the ground experience in Iran. I have been fortunate to visit Iran six times since 1996 and have also closely followed U.S. policy toward Iran during this period.

Let me also add that I approach this subject from the perspective of having lived in two other countries that experienced violent revolutions and were, at one time, bitter adversaries of the United States. I was an exchange student in the Soviet Union in the early 1970s and worked as a journalist in China in the early 1980s. In both cases, a change in U.S. policy toward engagement and recognition led to an improvement in living standards and to some extent, personal freedoms in those countries. Iran's human rights record also improved somewhat during the late 1990s while a reformist president was in power and tensions between the United States and Iran eased.

Repression in Iran has intensified, however, as hardline elements returned to power in Tehran in 2004 and 2005. In my view, it is not coincidental that this shift followed President Bush's designation of Iran as a member of an "axis of evil" in 2002 and his rejection of an Iranian offer for comprehensive negotiations in 2003. These actions embarrassed the reformist government of President Mohammad Khatami, which had cooperated with the United States in Afghanistan in 2001 in part in hopes that that would lead to improved relations with Washington. While Iran's human rights record during the Khatami presidency was by no means spotless, the record under his successor has been far worse. Since Mahmoud Ahmadinejad became president in 2005, and especially in the past year, executions have increased and so have arrests of students, women activists and labor organizers. Innocent Iranian-Americans, including my good friend and mentor, Haleh Esfandiari of the Woodrow Wilson Center, have been thrown in prison on bogus charges of promoting a so-called velvet revolution in Iran.

The U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and the administration's highly ideological democracy promotion campaign have also contributed to the Iranian crackdown on dissent. President Bush frequently expresses concern about ordinary Iranians. But his overtures to "the Iranian people," when combined with a refusal to acknowledge the legitimacy of the Iranian government, pre-emptive military action against Iraq and threats of such action against Iran, have convinced Tehran that the Bush administration seeks the violent overthrow of the Iranian regime. Such comments as Bush's pledge, during his 2005 second Inaugural address to "stand with" Iranians as they stand for their own liberty, and his decision to spend several hundred million dollars on democracy programs have backfired. They have given the Iranian government pretexts to clamp down on civil society and made it difficult for Iranians to accept U.S. government funds. U.S. rhetoric threatening to attack Iran because of its nuclear program has also hurt civil society in Iran. In a climate in which an American president talks of "World War III" if Iran acquires nuclear weapons knowhow, Iranians who criticize their leadership are vulnerable to charges of treason.

At this late date in the Bush presidency, it is difficult to see a way in which this administration might positively impact the human rights climate in Iran. A new U.S. administration, however, will have an opportunity for a more creative approach.

The next U.S. president should certainly continue to affirm support for democracy and human rights, but express confidence in the ability of Iranians to reform their government on their own. The noted Iranian dissident Akbar Ganji has said repeatedly that the most helpful thing the U.S. government and U.S. human rights groups can do is to publicize rights abuses in Iran but stop threatening to change the regime by force. As a first step, the next administration could reaffirm the 1981 Algiers accords which ended the 1979-81 hostage crisis. Under this agreement, the United States promised not to interfere in the internal affairs of Iran. Instead of allocating money explicitly for democracy promotion, the next U.S. administration could spend more on scholarships for Iranians to study here and for Americans to study in Iran. It would also be helpful to lift blanket Treasury Department restrictions on American nongovernmental organizations that seek to do humanitarian work in Iran and which do not espouse an obvious political agenda.

To support increased contacts between the two countries and give U.S. officials a better understanding of the impact of their policies, it would be extremely helpful to have U.S. diplomats in Iran to process visas for Iranians seeking to travel here. At present, Iranians must travel twice to Dubai or Turkey—first to apply for a visa and then to obtain one—before they can come to the United States. This is expensive and cumbersome and opens Iranians to additional scrutiny by Iran's security services. In an interview two years ago, President Ahmadinejad told me that he would consider allowing U.S. consular officials in Iran if the United States accepted direct flights between New York and Tehran. This was something that Ahmadinejad proposed in early 2006. However, the Bush administration never replied.

U.S. officials could also acknowledge that American actions in the prosecution of the war on terror have undermined the U.S. ability to promote human rights abroad. When I interviewed former Iranian President Akhbar Hashemi Rafsanjani in 2005, he said that because of U.S. human rights abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib, the United States had "lost the moral platform" from which to judge others. In a recent op ed in the British newspaper, the Guardian, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki made a similar remark. Mottaki also criticized the United States for rejecting the outcome of democratic elections in Algeria in the early 1990s and more recently, in Palestine.

Iran, with all its faults, is more pluralistic and less oppressive than many U.S. allies in the region, including Saudi Arabia. Iran is entering an election cycle that may produce leaders who are more pragmatic and less repressive. At a minimum, U.S. officials should refrain from rhetoric and actions that could intensify a climate of hostility and fear in Iran. Like China and the Soviet Union, Iran will inevitably change. Its revolutionary character has already faded considerably over the past three decades. Its population is overwhelmingly young, literate and aware of the outside world. Iranians need encouragement from established democracies, not lectures. That encouragement will be most effective if it comes from a country that has shown an ability to recognize its own mistakes and correct its record on human rights. The United States has always led best when it has led by example. Thank you very much.

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# posted by International@jomhouri.com @ 1:24 PM  0 comments

Wednesday, February 20, 2008

 

Ehteram Shadfar Sentenced to 6 Months Suspended Prison for Collection of Signatures

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article222

Change for Equality: Ehteram Shadfar, member of the Women’s Cultural Center and active member of the Mothers Committee of the One Million Signatures Campaign, was sentenced to 6 months suspended prison term by branch 13 of the Revolutionary Courts. The 6 month sentence will be suspended for two years, and will not be implemented unless she is found guilty of another crime during this time. Ehteram Shadfar, was found guilty of propaganda against the state, through the collection of signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition, which asks the parliament to reform laws which discriminate against women.

Shadfar, 62, explains that the sentence relies on Article 500 of the Islamic Penal Code, and reads: "the sentence, with adherence to Article 25, and with attention to special conditions and social conditions, will be suspended for 2 years, unless the accused commits a crime during this period, at which time the sentence will be implemented."

Ehteram Shadfar was arrested on June 10, 2007 in her home by Security Police from Police Station 104, in Nilofar Square, and spent 24 hours in Vozara detention center based on order of the courts. She explains the conditions of her arrest as such: "I had given a neighbor a few petitions and Campaign booklets explaining the laws. She had signed our petition and was interested in becoming more involved with the Campaign, but was arrested while collecting signatures. Upon her arrest she explained to police that she had received the booklets and petition forms from me. As such, I too was arrested."

In relation to her sentence, Shadfar explains: "they delivered the ruling of the court to my home today. I was surprised to read the decision of the courts. I am not sure what crime I have committed which deserves such a sentence. Is it a crime to talk about women’s rights or to collect signatures intended for Parliament? I spoke to my lawyer, who has not yet received a copy of the court’s ruling. But we will object to this ruling."

A similar sentence was issued on August 12, 2007 in the case of Nasim Sarabandi and Fatemeh Dehdashti, also arrested while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition. These two women’s rights activists were arrested on the Metro in January 2007 and held in detention for 24 hours. They were called in for questioning and charged with actions against the state and propaganda against the state, accusations which they denied. They were found guilty by the 28th branch of the Revolutionary Court, and 6 months suspended prison sentence was issued for each of these women’s rights activists.

The sentence issued in the case of Ehteram Shadfar represents the 3rd such sentence for members of the Campaign in relation to collection of signatures. These sentences are issued despite the fact that there is no law that claims the collection of signatures for parliament to be an illegal activity. The activists within the Campaign employ the most civil and peaceful of means in their educational and advocacy efforts, strategies which again are not criminal based on the law. To date, 43 individuals have been arrested in direct relation to their peaceful activities within the Campaign.

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# posted by International@jomhouri.com @ 5:42 PM  0 comments

 

Polygamists up for Public Scrutiny

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article223

By: Hoda Aminian

Wednesday 20 February 2008

Translated by: Sussan Tahmasebi

Change for Equality: As part of the International Fajr Theater Festival, a street play on the subject of women’s rights, specifically on polygamy, utilizing the interventionist model of Augusto Boal, was performed. This type of performance, which transforms inactive audiences into active participants and actors in the play, was well received by onlookers who gathered to watch the performance.

This street play was performed in several locations in Tehran, namely Azadi Square, Imam Khomeini Metro Station and in Park Daneshjoo (in front of the City Theatre) and addressed the issue of polygamy and women’s rights.

On Saturday February 9, 2008, the street play was performed in Imam Khomeini Metro station. The space allotted to performance, because of the large number of onlookers, was rather limited, but that did not stop the audience from taking on active interventionist roles as performers. Members of the One Million Signatures Campaign too were present to watch this play and because of the participatory nature of this type of performance, two Campaign members managed to intervene in the play and serve as actors. They used this opportunity to discuss in part their legal demands within the Campaign. They discussed several laws, including laws allowing for polygamy, which allow men to have up to 4 permanent wives and unlimited temporary wives, divorce laws, which gives men uncontested rights to divorce, while limiting severely women’s right to divorce, child custody laws, etc. The street play and the involvement of Campaign members provided a good opportunity to discuss the demands of the Campaign with the audience, in particular the issue of polygamy. Polygamy while allowed in the Holy Qoran, is allowable only if men can observe justice among their many wives. The Qoran, while allowing polygamy in cases where the restriction of just and equal treatment of wives is adhered to, makes the act of polygamy basically impossible by also specifically stating that the observance of justice and equal treatment of wives is not achievable by men. These issues were discussed in relation to polygamy by the audience during the performance, as well as other laws pertaining to women’s rights.

The reaction of the audience to polygamy was of special interest. Many expressed that through this play they had gained new information about the law as it currently stands. In essence, witnessing the inequities that are promoted in the law through a performance of this nature, which highlights the realities of the lives of thousands of women and men, and the search for solutions, worked to transform mere onlookers to active participants forcing them to think about these issues of importance. Utilizing this participatory approach, the play put the issue of polygamy up for public scrutiny and judgment.

On the margins of this same street play, which was once again held in Daneshjoo Park in front of the main building of the City Theater, on February 14, 2008, two members of the Campaign, Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, were arrested. These two women’s rights activists, who had attended the play to take pictures and prepare a report, began to collect signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition once the play came to a close. After their arrest at the Park, they were taken to Police Station 129, then to Security Police 8. They spent 2 nights in Vozara Detention center, and taken to the Revolutionary courts on Saturday February 16, where they were charged with propaganda against the state. A bail amount of 20 million Tomans (rougly $22,000) was issued for each of these women’s rights activists. Unable to post this high amount of bail, the two were transferred to Evin’s public ward 3, where they still.

Given these developments we can claim that a play demonstrating the conflict between a polygamist man and his first wife, ended with the arrest of two women’s rights activists—a lead role played by police officers!

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Iran's Parliamentary Elections: Assured Victory for the Supreme Leader

Analysis of Near East policy from the scholars and associates of The Washington Institute

By Mehdi Khalaji
February 19, 2008

As Iran's March 14 parliamentary elections approach, the prospects for the reformist/technocratic coalition are predictably bleak. Yet, President Mahmoud Ahmadinezhad is expected to lose ground as well. Although his conservative critics are likely to pick up a significant number of seats, the big winner will be Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, whose role as arbiter and decisionmaker will be reinforced even more.

Doomed Reformists
The executive committee of the Interior Ministry and the Guardian Council -- the two bodies that vet parliamentary candidates in a two-stage process -- have disqualified more than two thousand mostly reformist candidates. As a result, reformists can only compete for around 30 of the 290 seats in the Majlis (parliament).

Although candidate vetting is a common practice in Iran, this recent round of disqualifications was so extensive that even some conservatives felt compelled to complain publicly. In a January 28 editorial, the generally conservative Jomhoori-e Eslami newspaper described excessive disqualifications as a process that harms the regime. On February 10, Ahmad Tavakkoli, a leading conservative member of the Majlis and director of its Strategic Research Center, wrote an open letter to the Guardian Council urging it to revise its earlier decisions and broaden the circle of qualified candidates. He ended his letter by stating, "A pagan government may last, but an unjust government will not."

On January 27, three leading figures in the reformist/technocratic coalition -- former Majlis speaker Mehdi Karrubi, former president Muhammad Khatami, and, most prominently, Akbar Rafsanjani (former president and now head of both the Expediency Council and Assembly of Experts) -- asked Khamenei in an off-the-record meeting to urge the Guardian Council to be more tolerant with nonconservative candidates. Apparently Khamenei dismissed their recommendations. In a public speech on February 8, he called Iranian elections some "of the most accurate . . . in the world." Addressing critics of the electoral process, he said nobody has the right to "bypass the law." "Everybody," he concluded, "has to participate in the election and should not seek a pretext for not participating."

This was a clear threat to the reformists, who are now unsure whether they will take part on March 14. Rafsanjani, aware of the extent to which the Guardian Council would disqualify his followers, did not allow the two parties close to him to register any candidates.

Despite Khatami's description of the disqualifications as "catastrophic," the reformists lack the social power base required to take advantage of electoral opportunities in the first place. Political ambivalence and voter apathy led to the failure of reformist candidates in the most recent presidential and municipal elections because the Iranian people have lost faith in their ability to change the system and make real reforms. Indeed, the current disqualifications have provoked little popular reaction, even among the traditional student constituency. Similarly, the lack of middle-class support has led many political analysts to conclude that even without the Guardian Council decision, the reformists would not have done well in the elections.

Battling Conservatives

On the conservative side, the situation is much more dynamic. After Ahmadinezhad became president in 2005, the differences between conservatives became more apparent. Ahmadinezhad's own political faction -- called "The Scent of Service," a name as strange to Iranian ears as to Western -- has performed poorly in the past two elections for municipal offices and membership in the Experts Assembly. Currently, it is attempting to reach a consensus with other conservative factions in order to prevent another explicit defeat that would expose its weakness and lack of political base. But this has proven to be a difficult task; other factions -- led by figures with presidential ambitions such as Tehran mayor Muhammad Baqer Qalibaf, former Revolutionary Guards commander-in-chief Mohsen Rezai, and former secretary of the Supreme Council for National Security Ali Larijani -- have criticized Ahmadinezhad's nuclear, political, and economic policies.

Consequently, the conservatives have failed to unite. Larijani could not attract the necessary conservative consent in Tehran, so he decided to run for a parliamentary seat in Qom. Some in Iranian political circles say that he wants to be the next Speaker of the Majlis, replacing Qolam Ali Haddad Adel, who heads the main conservative slate in Tehran. In any case, given that other conservative groups are larger in number and have a stronger social power base, Ahmadinezhad's faction is likely to win only a small minority in the next Majlis and become marginalized.

Khamenei Deploys His Forces

The Guardian Council and the military have been working under Khamenei's direct supervision to paralyze and manipulate the upcoming elections, all in an effort to make Khamenei the undisputed winner. The council has until now been the Supreme Leader's main instrument for controlling electoral outcomes. In recent years, however, the military has increased its role in the voting process tremendously. The Interior Ministry, which administers the elections, is in the hands of military and intelligence officers. The interior minister himself, Mostafa Poor-Muhammdai, was deputy minister of intelligence under Rafsanjani and is widely thought to have had a role in killing dozens of intellectuals and political activists. He appointed Alireza Afshar, a former commander of the Revolutionary Guard's Basij militia, as his political deputy -- a position that directly controls the ballot boxes.

On January 31, Revolutionary Guards commander-in-chief Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari made it clear that the Basij will control the electoral process in order to protect the "principalist" position. "Principalism" is a new term used by Iranian conservatives who believe they are adhering to the principles of the Islamic Revolution. Jafari also referred to Iran's government as "the Islamic government" rather than its formal title, the "Islamic Republic." On February 7, Mostafa Tajzadeh, former political deputy in the Interior Ministry and a leading reformist figure, warned that this change in nomenclature was significant, stating that "an Islamic government is a regime that has no free elections, free political parties, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press. . . . A garrison thought creates a garrison society."

Khamenei Wins through Force, Not Popularity

Khamenei has long followed the model of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic, in eliminating political rivals. Khomeini came to power with the help of communist, nationalist, leftist, and Islamist activists and groups, but from 1979 to 1981, he eliminated his political rivals -- including some of those who had helped him -- and monopolized power in the hands of those who did not challenge his leadership.

In his eighteen years as Supreme Leader, Khamenei has gradually excluded the old-guard politicians and veterans of the Islamic Republic and created a new generation of politicians who are indebted and devoted to him. This new political generation has a background mostly in the military and intelligence services, and much less in the seminary. The basic difference between Khomeini and Khamenei is charisma: while the founder could achieve his goals by using his charisma to engender massive public support, his successor can only establish his authority through military and intelligence institutions. On March 14, these methods will result in further consolidation of his power.

Mehdi Khalaji is a visiting fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on the role of politics in contemporary Shiite clericalism in Iran and Iraq.

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Iran: Human-Rights Activists Concerned Over Prison Deaths, Torture

02/17/08


Zahra Bani Yaghoub seemed to have everything going for her. A 27-year-old graduate of the Tehran Medical University, she was a young doctor with a bright future.

But last October, Bani Yaghoub was arrested while walking in a park in the western city of Hamadan with her male companion. The next day, she was dead.

Police say she committed suicide in prison overnight, but her family says that's impossible -- that she was happy and upbeat about her future as a urologist. They accuse prison authorities of killing Beni Yaghoub, whose case is merely the latest in a series of suspicious deaths or tortures in prison to be highlighted by human-rights activists.

Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human-rights attorney who won the Nobel Peace Prize, told RFE/RL's Radio Farda that she is handling Bani Yaghoub's case as a suspicious death under detention.

"I found many controversies in [Bani Yaghoub's] case: for instance, the exact time of Zahra's death; also the height of the bar from which Zahra allegedly has hanged herself, and its contrast with Zahra's height. Furthermore, the official reports about the way she was arrested and was kept in detention are dubious," Ebadi said.

In its report last month, the independent Iranian group Human Rights Defenders severely criticized the harsh treatment of detainees and prisoners across the country. In particular, the report focuses on the Shapour Street bureau of Tehran's Agahi criminal department detention center. According to the rights group, hundreds of detainees are routinely tortured there in order to extract "confessions."

The activists maintain that such abuses occur before suspects are officially charged or have had access to a lawyer.

Beatings

One young Iranian woman who spent some time in Agahi told Radio Farda that she experienced severe torture from the moment she was entered the facility: "On the first day, they told me: 'We are going to make roasted chicken out of you.' I thought perhaps they would beat me up so badly that I would turn red like a roasted chicken. But they brought some instruments. They tied my hands up and hanged me from the ceiling. They put a water pipe between my legs and hands and started to pull the pipe. Then they started to beat my feet with a belt."

The former prisoner said her interrogator told her that she was "either going to die or to confess." She said it is not surprising that many suspects "admit their guilt" under duress.
Some Iranian lawyers deny that torture is used in Iranian prisons, and insist interrogators use only "a few methods, including beating or sleep deprivation." They say such procedures are routine in police detention facilities around the world.

But Ali Rahimi, a human rights activist, told Radio Farda that Iranian authorities see torture as a deterrent to crime and that its use is widespread in Iranian prisons.

"Unfortunately, it is an established method for the Iranian police. According to this method, when a suspect enters a detention center, he has to be beaten up and insulted in order to intimidate and punish him, and supposedly, to prevent him from committing further crimes," Rahimi said.

"Sometimes, they even detain suspects' relatives in order to put pressure on them. In some cases even family members become subject to torture in order to put the pressure on the detainee."

Naser Zarafshan, a Tehran-based defense lawyer who represents leftist students imprisoned in the capital's notorious Evin prison after antigovernment protests last year, told RFE/RL that solitary confinement -- even without physical abuse -- is a severe form of psychological torture that is widespread in Iranian prisons.

"There are also interrogations methods. One of the simplest examples is sleep deprivation of suspects by interrogating them at nighttime. They also use intimidation methods such as claiming that they would arrest suspects' family members," Zarafshan said.

"Sometimes they give false information to prisoners; for instance, they play the recorded voice of one of his family members to make the detainee believe that his relative has been arrested, too."
For their part, Iranian judiciary authorities have actually acknowledged that ill treatment of suspects and inmates takes place in the country's prisons.

In an unprecedented report in July 2005, judiciary authorities listed several detention facilities where serious abuses had taken place. They included Agahi, the Public Establishment Office detention facilities, and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security's infamous Section 2009 at Evin.

The Iranian government welcomed the report. But rights activists dismissed that as an attempt by officials to show concern about human rights.

(RFE/RL's Radio Farda contributed to this report.)

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"We are Proud of Raheleh and Nasim for their Commitment to Women’s Rights" Claims Raheleh’s Mother

Friday 15 February 2008

http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article215

Change for Equality, February 20, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi contacted their family members on Sunday February 17, 2008 to inform them that they had been transferred to Evin’s public ward 3.

Ali Vaezipour, Nasim’s husband explains: "Nasim called me last night and today from prison. She was in good spirits and explained that female prisoners there are treating her and Raheleh very well."

In relation to the bail amount set for Nasim, Mr. Vaezipour explains: "I am a general physician and with limited income, so I cannot come up with the 20 million Tomans (roughly $22000) bail amount set for her release. As such, I will try to convince the courts to reduce the bail amount to a third-party guarantee."

Ghazaleh Asgarizadeh, Raheleh’s sister, who had gone to the Revolutionary courts on Sunday to follow the case of her sister, explains: "they have not given us a definite answer in relation to my sister’s case and we were not allowed to visit the judge in charge of Raheleh’s case. In this respect, the court officials explained to us that a case number for her case has yet to be issued. My sister and her friends haven’t done anything, besides advocating for the rights of women."

Raheleh Asgarizadeh’s mother who is also a member of the Mother’s Committee of the Campaign, explains: "my husband and I are proud of Raheleh, for her activism on behalf of women’s rights and her own rights as a woman. Because I too work with the Campaign, I understand that we must pay a price to bring about change and I am willing to endure these consequences."

Raheleh’s mother explains further: "Raheleh has not committed a crime for which we now have to post a high bail amount. Her father insists that we wait until her innocence is proven, and the judge reduces her bail amount to a third-party guarantee."

In their telephone contact from prison, Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, spoke of the kind treatment they had received from fellow inmates as well as prison guards. In this short time since their transfer to Prison, Raheleh and Nasim have put many of the female inmates in touch with lawyers working with the Campaign, so that they too can benefit from appropriate legal representation.

Nasrin Sotoodeh, Shirin Ebadi and Leila Alikarami are the lawyers representing Raheleh and Nasim.

Raheleh and Nasim were arrested on February 14, 2008 while collecting signatures in Park Daneshjoo following a street play on the subject of women’s rights. They were transferred to Evin Prison on Saturday February 16, 2008.

Transfer of Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi to Evin Prison

Change for Equality: February 16, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, two members of the Campaign who were arrested on Thursday February 14, 2007, were charged with "propaganda against the state" and transferred to Evin prison on the afternoon of February 16, 2008. The two women’s rights activists had been transferred from Vozara detention center to the Revolutionary Courts earlier this morning, where they were charged and a bail of 20 Million Tomans (roughly $22,000) was set for their release. Unable to provide the bail, the two were handcuffed and transferred to Evin prison. These two women’s rights activists were arrested while collecting signatures in Daneshjoo Park, after attending a street theatre, on the subject of women’s rights.

Prior to their transfer from the Courts, Raheleh and Nasim had an opportunity speak with their friends and family who were waiting outside the court house. Raheleh and Nasim used this time to tell their friends about the two nights they spent in detention, and their conversations with other female prisoners and guards about women’s rights and the demands of the Campaign. During their court hearing, they were asked by the judge to explain what laws they objected to and why they thought these laws to be discriminatory in nature. In response Raheleh and Nasim spoke to the judge and told him stories about the discrimination that women endure because of the law.

With the arrest of Raheleh and Nasim Khosravi, the number of women’s rights defenders arrested in direct relation to their peaceful activities in support of the Campaign, has reached 43 persons. These women’s rights activists have been arrested because of their demand for equality. At the same time, activists in the Campaign, maintain that the expression of these demands is not in violation of any national law and the activities of the Campaign are carried out in the most peaceful manner.

Campaign Members Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi Arrested

Change for Equality: February 15, 2008: Raheleh Asgarizadeh and Nasim Khosravi, two members of the One Million Signatures Campaign were arrested on the afternoon of February 14th, in Daneshjoo Park, while collecting signatures in support of the Campaign’s petition. After their arrest, these two women’s rights activists were taken to police station 129 (Jaami) and then transferred to the security police station number 8 for interrogation. Upon completion of their interrogation they were transferred to Vozara detention center.

After hours of waiting in front of the police station in the hopes of finding out about the status of these two women’s rights activists, their families suspecting that the women had been transfered to another location, decided to inquire about their whereabouts by going to several detention centers. Finally, at midnight on February 15th, family members discovered that the two women had been transferred to Vozara detention center.

On the morning of February 15th, Raheleh and Nasim were taken to the Revolutionary Courts, but the on-duty judge was not available, so they were transferred back to Police Station 8, where they will be held, until it is determined which detention center they will be transferred to.
Raheleh and Nasim are both active members of the Campaign in Tehran and members of the arts and media committees.

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