Saturday, April 26, 2008
Iran: Detained Students May Face Torture
Source: http://www.hrw.org/Authorities Should Investigate Allegations of Abuse
(Washington, DC, April 10, 2008) – Iranian authorities should immediately investigate allegations that Ministry of Information agents and interrogators tortured four detained student activists, and punish officials involved in such abuse, Human Rights Watch said today. According to sources familiar with the case, the students have suffered physical and psychological abuse during detention. Three students remain imprisoned, and the whereabouts of the fourth detainee, taken from his hospital bed on April 5, are unknown.
Iranian authorities accuse the four students of taking part in “armed activities” and “forming groups against the state.” Lawyers representing the students have not had access to their clients or their files. Human Rights Watch is concerned that authorities may have detained the students merely for exercising their rights to peacefully gather and express dissent.
“Iran should either charge these students with a crime, or release them,” said Joe Stork, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Officials must investigate the reports of torture and punish anyone it finds responsible.”
The four detainees, Behrooz Karimizadeh, Peyman Piran, Ali Kantouri, and Majid Pourmajid, are activists with the organization Students Seeking Freedom and Equality. The group states that it seeks to peacefully resist various forms of inequality and exploitation. The group has branches and members on university campuses throughout Iran. Since December 2007, Iranian authorities have arrested over 40 students affiliated with the group. All but the four mentioned above are free; some of the students released alleged that their interrogators tortured and ill-treated them while in detention.
The arrests appear to have been triggered by demonstrations planned on several campuses to commemorate Students Day on December 7, 2007. Known by the date according to the Iranian calendar, 16 of Azar, Students Day observes the day in 1953 when police fatally shot three student protesters at the University of Tehran. The authorities began targeting members of the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality a few days before the planned events and continued to harass key members for months afterwards. The crackdown appears to be focused on the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality.
On December 2, 2007, Ministry of Information agents arrested Behrooz Karimizadeh, 22, at the home of a friend in Tehran. Two days later, plainclothes agents from that ministry arrested Peyman Piran, as he was leaving Tehran University following peaceful student demonstrations on campus. Authorities are holding the pair in Units 209 and 305, respectively, in Evin prison in Tehran. Information received by Human Rights Watch suggests the authorities are subjecting the detainees to long periods of solitary confinement and various forms of physical and psychological ill-treatment.
Approximately two weeks after the arrests of Karimizadeh and Piran, Ministry of Information agents arrested Ali Kantouri, also an activist with Students Seeking Freedom and Equality, in the town of Ghazvin, northwest of Tehran. Authorities transferred him to Ghezel Hesare, a prison located near the city of Karaj in Tehran province.
Court officials refused to set bail for Kantouri and set prohibitively high bails for Piran and Karimizadeh (nearly US$300,000 for Karimizadeh).
On March 29, 2008, Ministry of Information agents arrested Majid Pourmajid in the northwestern city of Tabriz and hospitalized him on April 2, 2008. Three days later, authorities transferred him from the hospital to an unknown location.
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Court closes Kurdish weekly for selling copies across border in Iraqi Kurdistan
Source: http://www.rsf.org/18 April 2008
Reporters Without Borders condemns the 11 April decision of a criminal court in Sanandaj, in Iran’s northwestern Kurdish region, to close the Kurdish-language daily Rouji Ha Lat for good on the grounds that it had received money from abroad. The court took the position that it broke the law by selling copies across the border in the Kurdish part of Iraq.
“It seems that any pretext will do in order to silence independent news media,” the press freedom organisation said. “The Iranian judicial system undermines its own credibility each time it hands down such absurd and iniquitous decisions. A total of 18 newspapers have been suspended since the start of the year in Iran, each time for obviously political reasons.”
The Sanandaj court ruled that, by selling copies in Iraqi Kurdistan, Rouji Ha Lat had acquired an “illegal” foreign source of income since, in Iran, the national news media are not allowed to receive foreign financial assistance.
Three of the newspaper’s journalists who had been charged with “activity against national security” - Farhad Aminpour, Reza Alipour and Saman Solimani - were fined 300,000 toumen (300 euros). They were detained for a month in 2006 before being freed on bail.
Meanwhile on 16 April, a Tehran court ordered the suspension of the newspaper Rah Ayandeh in response to a complaint brought by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation’s press department. The newspaper’s next issue, its ninth, was to have been about Labour Day and the struggle of labour unions in Iran.
Finally, Reporters Without Borders hopes that the weekly Ashtai and the daily Rouzegar will soon be on sale again following court decisions in the past few days lifting the bans that had been placed on them.
On 3 April, the high court of justice overturned the decision of a Sanandaj court on 3 December to order the definitive closure of Ashtai, which had been suspended since August 2005. And on 5 April, a Tehran court rehabilitated Rouzegar, which was suspended by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation on 20 October 2006 for violating its restricted licence by covering political matters.
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The Campaign: A Unique but not an Exclusive Experience
Source: http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article248By: Hoda Aminian
Sunday 6 April 2008
Translated by: SZ
The One Million Signatures Campaign is different from other movements and actions that have taken place previously in the arena of women’s rights in two ways:
1. Active participation of a large number of predominantly young volunteers in this movement, whereas in the past the discussion of women’s problems and issues was limited exclusively to women’s NGO’s or women’s small coteries, and such groups were highly distanced from the society.
Undoubtedly, what caused the Campaign to succeed and encouraged many people, including the youth, to join the Campaign was taking women’s issues from the level of these small coteries and elevating them to the level of the society at large. This led to publicizing the demands of the Iranian women at the domestic and international level. The current activities of the Campaign in many parts of Iran as well as its being discussed in women’s international seminars held in many countries justifies this claim. This was probably just a dream for women’s rights activists in the past. In the past, recruiting into the women’s NGO’s was limited and to a great extent the groups were quite exclusive. With the formation of the Campaign, a new wave of individuals interested in women’s issues joined this movement and in a certain way formed a new generation of feminist activists in Iran. The Campaign became a place to talk about and be active around women’s issues, with well-defined demands to pursue changing the discriminatory laws against women.
2. The second characteristic that distinguishes the Campaign from other social movements is its demand-focused nature. This important and positive characteristic has made it possible for individuals, regardless of their ideology, to join the Campaign by merely accepting the manifesto of the Campaign which contains the minimum demands of the women to achieve equality. At this point, it is necessary to distinguish between the members and activists of the Campaign. Campaign activists are individuals who have had a desire for more participation in the Campaign and have taken part in the Campaign’s training workshops. But the number of the Campaign members is far beyond the number of activists because every individual, by accepting the manifesto and registering as a signatory, will be considered a member of the Campaign. The members include a wide spectrum of individuals with diverse ideologies, gender, age, education and professions who, by only signing the manifesto, show their support for the Campaign.
Campaign - an opportunity for participation and empowerment:
It is apparent that any movement, during the process of its inception and formation, has an initial formative layer which defines its goals and policies. As the movement continues forming, new individuals join this layer and expand the framework of the movement. The higher the level of belonging and dedication is among this group, the more resilient the movement will become and it will then continue its efforts to reach its goals despite all the obstacles that it is facing. One of the ways to increase solidarity and dedication in today’s movements, particularly the women’s movement which unlike political parties or organizations does not have a defined hierarchy, is creating a sense of participation and cooperation among members. Participation entails taking part in decision making, which in addition to the satisfaction and assurance gained from taking part in planning and execution of projects, leads to the empowerment of individuals as well. Empowerment is the process through which people become aware of their true purpose, find the courage to strive for their demands and gain the necessary skills to make their goals come true.
The One Million Signatures Campaign is a clear example of the issues discussed above. This movement which started with few members in September 2006 to campaign for women’s civil rights drew a large number of volunteers after a few months. These were the volunteers who wanted to be active in the Campaign and in a certain way were considered the core of the Campaign. These volunteers can be divided into several categories:
The first group consists of individuals who consider the women’s issues an important concern in their lives and as time passes, the Campaign plays an important role in their lives as an integral activity. This group of volunteers, by increasing their level of participation in the activities of the Campaign, became members of the various committees of the Campaign and in addition to collecting signatures, participated in other activities to further the goals of the Campaign. Examples of these activities include making contact with the members of the Majles (Parliament), holding educational workshops, making contact with new volunteers and……… This group of volunteers had an effective role in furthering the causes of this movement.
The second group includes individuals who are sensitive to women’s issues, but for various reasons they restrict their participation in the Campaign to collecting signatures and attending group meetings.
Yet another group of volunteers consists of individuals who entered this social movement merely out of curiosity or because of an interest in learning about the activities of the Campaign and as time went by, they either expanded their activities or dropped out.
Of course the above categorization only applies to the individuals who wanted to be more active in the Campaign and not to all members of the Campaign. It is quite clear that the three distinct documents of the Campaign (manifesto, pamphlet and project objectives) have brought individuals together on the basis of their contents. However, in many instances, from a practical point of view, it has become necessary to make decisions and have debates regarding certain problems. Of course all of this has been done without compromising the major issues and agreed upon principles of the Campaign. These things need to be done with the full participation of the members. Considering that anyone who has signed the petition is a member of the Campaign, no change can be made to the general principles of the Campaign and no major decision regarding the Campaign can be made. The Campaign is not a political party, but each and every individual who is active in the movement is accountable to other members of the Campaign. The ability to make decisions exclusively on minor matters to find ways to further the major goals of the Campaign is delineated in its documents.
Because each individual’s measure of activity in a collective action setting indicates her level of participation, according to the above categorization, the members of the first group who are called active members have the highest measure of activity in the Campaign. Therefore, these members justifiably have the right to take part in decision-making. Taking part in decision-making in turn increases self-confidence in new members and helps in the process of empowerment. In fact, in a way, this acts as an antithesis to the establishment of a pyramidal structure for the Campaign. To boost the sense of empowerment in individuals and to give them the ability to make good decisions and in fact to "practice equality in action", it is essential that all activists have access to accurate news and information. Under the current conditions, because of the pressures and restrictions that the Campaign is facing, it does not have access to any free media to disseminate information. This is a very important matter. In fact, it is necessary to establish a strong communications network to exchange information so that a complete cycle of information dissemination exists which can enable the members to stay informed if they so desire. The existence of a communications network will also instill a heuristic experience in individuals so that when necessary, they can actualize their ideals and by making use of other people’s experience, they can make good decisions. This, in a way, will prevent the establishment of a pyramid model of information/power.
One of the ways of achieving this participation and delegating duties as well as facilitating the day to day activities of the Campaign was the establishment of various but fluid committees. Each committee, as a workgroup, based on the scope of the activities that it has defined for itself - which are changeable and fluid - assumes a certain part of the responsibilities to achieve the goals of the Campaign. Members of each committee take part in the decision-making within their committee. Information is transmitted to members through committees. Various committees are also in reciprocal communication with one another. This process is probably a unique experience for social activists, at least in Iran. This is because the existence of these committees and the communication among them creates a vibrant democratic movement and prevents the creation of a hierarchy of power and responsibilities, which in turn increases the security of each individual member involved in this collective action. The formation of some committees is also varied due to their function, operational processes or expansion of the scope of their activities. For example, the media committee has been formed because of the role it plays in disseminating the news or publishing the writings of the Campaign activists in Tehran, the documentation committee because of its activities in collecting signatures, the volunteers committee because of its involvement with the Campaign volunteers, or the workshops and training committee for training volunteers in Tehran, and so forth. There is minimally a basic structure for every new volunteer to fit into so that she won’t be lost when she first joins. She can then choose her desired committee based on her interests or even initiate a new work group or committee. Because the Campaign is a robust movement, the new individuals who wish to have a role beyond collecting signatures need to have access to a specified source. But, for example, in the case of the arts committee, because of the diversity of the members of the Campaign, there may several or many clusters or groups working in parallel. The existence of these clusters leads to further growth and blossoming of the Campaign. The Campaign will only stop growing if we ignore its vibrancy and fluidity and impose a human ceiling and somehow obstruct the movement. Of course, it is quite apparent that the activities of the committees have no more legitimacy than the activities and demands of each individual member of the Campaign outside of the committees. The establishment of these committees has merely been a way to accelerate and facilitate the advancement of the goals of the Campaign. It is also important to note that the formation of committees in this manner is what we have experienced with the Campaign in Tehran, and other methods may be employed in other cities and of course this has been shown in practice as well.
So far every effort has been made to create a democratic structure and prevent the creation of an organization with centralized power. This has been done through increasing the number of committees or workgroups which function as subsets of these committees to promote participation and democratic dissemination of information. If this process is implemented properly in practice, it can make the movement less vulnerable by creating a sense of devotion and hope in activists and giving them an opportunity to practice equality in action.
One of the other opportunities that the Campaign activists gain by joining this movement is association and socialization with diverse individuals who in one way or another are concerned with women’s issues. This distinct opportunity has given the individuals who have common interests and ideas to form study groups, various friendship circles, etc... One cannot deny the role of these circles and nucleus groups in promoting the growth of individual capacities. It cannot be disputed that the practical weight of each of these nucleus groups differs from others. Each of these nucleus groups has formed around a certain axis and cannot necessarily be a representation of the Campaign at a smaller scale. Therefore, even though it is only natural that these study groups and friendship circles come into existence, we have to be aware that these nucleus groups cannot and should not play the role of committees. Committees consist of individuals with different beliefs and ideologies but these individuals become members of committees based on their capabilities and the goals of the Campaign. If the nucleus groups try to play the role of committees, many of the positive and vibrant aspects of the Campaign which were discussed above, will be lost. Additionally, each nucleus group, even though it may adhere to the three main documents of the Campaign, depending on its weight or activities, may create circumstances or make decisions that will basically divert the movement from its horizontal path. What’s even more important is that without communicating with other members, once again women’s issues will be relegated to the limited coteries and small study groups of the past. This would mean history repeating itself by delivering us another blow.
The One Million Signatures Campaign, as a unique experience in the history of the struggles of women in Iran, by propounding its minimum demands, has been able to attract many individuals regardless of geography or ideology. This is done so that we may strive for equal opportunities for participation and empowerment of all members of the society in an environment free of the usual status quo of power relations. This is an experience that not only the like of which has not existed before, but we can probably never create a similar paradigm with the same characteristics again. Constructive critique of the movement from within will certainly provide the background for its continuation with a favorable and meaningful perspective.
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Wednesday, April 16, 2008
Human right in Azerbaijan of Iran
http://www.gozaar.org/template1.php?id=1015&language=englishHuman Rights in Iranian Azerbaijan: A Year in Review
Ensafali Hedayat
April 14th, 2008
After Norouz, one can look back and review the past year’s events. This brief survey focuses on human rights and societal and cultural issues of the Azeri people in Iran. It examines daily predicaments that have plagued the lives of Azeri people and the intentional and unintentional circumstances that undermine their culture and identity. This report also summarizes the pressures and attempts by the Islamic Republic to suppress freedom of expression and the press, and the extent to which Azeri activists and supporters of human and ethnic rights are persecuted. Of course, this report is not a thorough survey of Azerbaijan; nonetheless, I hope it can help us to better understand the crucial significance of this population’s struggles, sufferings, needs, and hopes.
In December, three earthquakes on the outskirts of Tabriz alarmed people and forced them to spend a few days out in parks and streets. The earthquake did not inflict heavy damages, but if it had been a little more powerful, thousands of people would have lost their lives. According to official statistics, more than 600,000 people live on the outskirts of Tabriz in shabbily built houses that are vulnerable to natural disasters. The people of Tabriz have bitter memories of past earthquakes. And yet, Tabriz isn’t alone. In many other parts of Iran, and even the capital, officials do not seem to pay any attention to the dangers that threaten people’s lives and properties. The catastrophic consequences of Bam’s earthquake and the slow process of reconstruction over many years have increased the public’s fear in this regard.
Other important news from the past year, to which the Iranian media paid little attention, was the lack of a yearly gathering at Babak Khorramdin’s fortress. No journalist, in Iran or outside the country, inquired as to why this yearly gathering did not take place. Even Amnesty International’s statement about this event and the suppression of the Azeri people was treated in a rather cursory fashion.
It has been some years since Azeris have turned to their own ethnic symbols and Iran’s historical symbols as a powerful resource to bolster their struggle against the injustices of the current government. Babak Khorramdin is a son of this land, celebrated for his legacy and heroic deeds at a gathering at his fortress (Ouz Ghal-e Si) on his birthday every year. This day also provides people with an opportunity to assert their identity and voice their social and political demands. These celebrations of Azerbaijan’s heroes began at the end of the 1990s. In 2002 and 2003, more than 100,000 people gathered in Babak Khorramdin’s fortress and they continued to linger in the surrounding mountains for a week. They exchanged their thoughts with one another and sought solutions to their problems. This horrified the government, which feared that such gatherings could spread to the cities. That is why the government began to crack down on such gatherings the following year. To discourage them, the government turned the area around Babak Khorramdin’s fortress into a field for military maneuvers by the Revolutionary Guards and the basij on the same day. This strategy became an excuse to arrest and imprison hundreds of supporters of human rights who advocated for the Azeri people. These pressures reached their climax in 2007. People who were intimidated by the government’s unpredictable violence were forced into retreat and the celebration of Babak Khorramdin’s birth was held silently in homes.
Another important development last year was the prohibition of the use of Turkish language in the cities of this region. The government prohibited the people of this region from publicly writing in Turkish. Iranian officials in various social, political, and economic capacities have issued and carried out many directives in recent years to weaken the identity of ethnic groups, especially Azeris. One of these directives, which had been issued by the director of a trade office in Eastern Azerbaijan, exposed the Islamic Republic’s agenda completely. This directive ordered economic associations and unions to avoid using Turkish words in their advertisements and in naming their place of work and trade. Those who violated this directive faced heavy punishments. This affair became so scandalous that Akbar Alami, a Member of Parliament for Tabriz, protested against this directive and demanded its annulment.
Last year, the government also demolished the house of Sataar Khan, the National Commander and the most prominent leader of the Constitutional Revolution who fought against despotism and led the revolts against the Qajar dynasty. The decision to destroy this historical site was part of a systematic plan to downplay and discredit Azerbaijan’s history and culture. This attack against the history and achievements of Azerbaijan intends to erase memories that can unite people and spur collective action. The whispering protests became more resonant when the government felt the danger of a public revolt to a caricature in Iran Newspaper. The government was forced to retreat and promised to reconstruct Sataar Khan’s house and turn it into a museum.
At the same time, the government, just as in former years, interrupted a gathering of Azeri youths in Tehran over the tomb of Sattar Khan in the holy site of Shah Abdol-Azim, with arrests and imprisonment. Nevertheless, Sataar Khan is quite fortunate that he was killed and buried in Tehran because his tomb is becoming more prominent in the worldand the government is more reluctant to pressure his commemorators. In contrast, Baqer Khan (the national leader who has been buried in Tabriz) is deprived of visitors because this year too, the police attacked, beat up, and arrested the people who gathered at his tomb.
Along with Sataar Khan’s house, which was partly saved from demolition, the historical site of Arge Alishah (Alishah’s Castle) is still in danger. The government also plans to demolish some surviving parts of Robe Rshidi, the oldest university in Iran, in order to build a new university in its place. But if the government’s intentions are in fact sincere, it is possible to repair and reconstruct what has remained of the old site and build the new university alongside it under the same name. The government has also engaged in the destruction of parts of Tabriz’s “Samovar-Makers’ Bazaar” and Maraghe’s “Twin Towers,” an action which is either motivated by political and cultural objectives or stems from the officials’ regrettable ignorance and naïveté.
In the same fashion, the permit of the political monthly Dilmaj, which was published in Turkish, Farsi, and English, was revoked by the order of the Press Supervisory Board on October 9, 2007. Dilmaj was the only important publication in Iran which had taken Turkish language seriously. Around 100 newspapers and magazines are printed in the Iranian Azerbaijan, and two pages of each of their editions are normally published in Turkish. But most of these publications use Turkish in a way which is at times insulting to their readers, mainly because the writers of these publications are amateurs without any academic training in Turkish. Dilmaj, however, uses a group of highly professional writers who have strong knowledge of Turkish to publish a magazine which was unique.
Along with the crackdown on Dilmaj, some Turkish-language student publications at universities were also shut down. Supporters of Azerbaijan’s culture and language, however, continued their resistance and dozens of internet sites and weblogs—both engaging in transmitting news and producing analytical pieces—were born in both Turkish and Farsi languages in the Iranian Azerbaijan.
It is not only Azerbaijan’s language and culture that is imprisoned in the dungeons of the Islamic Republic. A number of Azeri political, religious, labor, and civil society activists are held in Iran’s prisons. These prisoners are held in almost 40 different prisons throughout Iran. At a certain point last year, the Evin Prison held the most Azerbaijani prisoners. There are ten prisons in Eastern Azerbaijan, 13 prisons in Western Azerbaijan, five prisons in Ardabil, and four prisons in Zanjan, and these are only the known prisons that are managed by the Organization for Iran’s Prisons and Security and Educational Affairs. Besides, there are many other secret prisons, which are run and supervised by the municipal office of the Ministry of Intelligence and Security, the Revolutionary Guards, the basij, or others.
In 2007, a number of Azeri female human rights activists were arrested. Contrary to normal procedure, they were transferred not to the prisons’ general wards, but rather, were held in solitary confinement. Since August 28, 2007, Leyla Heydari was held in the detention of the Ministry of Information. She was later released on a heavy bail of 85,000 dollars along with her husband who had been in prison since June 17, 2007. During this time, Heydari was permitted to contact her family only once. She is a writer and women’s rights activist who showcased and sold her work alongside other women authors in her bookstore.
Shahnaz Gholami is another Azeri woman who was arrested for her activities to advance women’s rights. She also spent the entire duration of her imprisonment in solitary confinement. Gholami was arrested by plainclothes police in her house last summer for launching an internet site about the problems of women, with the help of other female activists. Gholami’s family had no inkling of her condition or whereabouts for many weeks. Shahnaz Gholami, who is also a member of the Association of Iran’s Women Journalists (RZA), had been previously imprisoned for six years during the 1980s.
In the same year, Saleh Kamrani, a Turkish lawyer who was defending political and civil society activists in courts, was arrested and detained. He is now in prison and his wife has stated in interviews that her husband’s license to practice law has been revoked by the judiciary. Saleh Kamrani is a well-known Azerbaijani lawyer who has defended some key figures of Azerbaijan’s National Movement, including engineers Amani and Abbass Lesani. Kamrani was arrested on June 14, 2006, after leaving his law office in Tehran. After a few days search by his family, it became clear that he was being detained by the Ministry of Information. For a long time, his family and close friends had no news of his whereabouts, and even his lawyer was not permitted to meet with him. Charged with “propaganda against the system,” he was conditionally released on September 18, after three months of confinement in Evin Prison.
During this year, radical Shi’a conservatives, who have overtaken the government completely, increased their attacks on other religious minorities and non-Shi’a Muslims in various parts of Iran. The atmosphere became so stifling that some Jewish families migrated to Israel.
The temples of the Sufis in Qom and Boroujerd became the objects of perpetual attacks by government agents; these temples were eventually razed to the ground and destroyed completely. The Iranian media condemned these assaults and defended the Sufis by publishing the news about these attacks widely. But when the turn of Azerbaijan’s Ali-Alahis (a branch of Sufism) came, most of these media remained silent, and offered only inadequate explanations. Like the followers of any other religion or belief, the Ali-Alahis of Azerbaijan have a right to their faith and to practice it freely. The population of Azerbaijan consists of the only people in Iran who are entirely Shi’as; indeed, the Safavids, who relentlessly spread Shiism in Iran and turned it into the official religion, were of Azeri origin. That is why the beliefs of religious minorities in Azerbaijan have the color and flavor of Shiism and the Ali-Alahis of this region, in their adoration of Ali (the first Shi’a imam), have elevated him to the status of God. But even these mystics did not remain immune to the government’s onslaughts. Unfortunately, almost all Iranians chose to ignore this encroachment on the rights of Ali-Alahis. It has been many months since four members of this sect (which has close affinities with Shi’a beliefs) were held in a remote prison in Western Azerbaijan. Almost forgotten and wiped from memory, it seems no one even bothers to inquire about these prisoners, let alone demand their freedom.
Shand-Ali Mohammadi, Bakhsh-Ali Mohammadi, and Abdolah Ghasemzadeh, all from the village of Ouch Tapeh (in Qoshachay-Miandoab, Iran) are the members of the Atash-Beygi Sect. After an armed confrontation with military forces in Miandoab in October 2004, some members of this sect were arrested and, after a summary trial, were condemned to death. Alireza Javanbakht, the spokesman of Asmak, an association which actively defends the rights of Azerbaijani people, has issued a statement about the unfortunate condition of these prisoners:
“According to the reports that we have received from Oroumieh’s Central Prison, these four individuals are not the only Ali-Alahis who have become the target of harassments by prison officials. The members of other religious minorities, who have been held in prison for non-ideological crimes, are also subject to these pressures. These prisoners are also ceaselessly harassed by thuggish and criminal inmates who are encouraged and instigated by prison guards. Sahand-Ali Mohammadi, Bakhsh-Ali Mohammadi, Abdolah Ghasemzadeh, and Mehdi Ghasemzadeh have written a letter protesting against the torture of Mola-Gholi Mohamamdi, another Ali-Alahi prisoner, by the guards of Ward 3 of the Central Prison. These individuals also protested against the violation of Ali-Alahis’ rights and some of the murders in Azerbaijan in a six-page letter dated on October 20, 2007.”
Suppression, harassment, and turmoil still abound, but, in the lead up to the elections, the Islamic Republic’s politicians suddenly remembered the people of Azerbaijan. Mohammad Khatami, the former Iranian president, made a trip to Azerbaijan to campaign for his reformist colleagues for the upcoming elections. Throughout this trip, Khatami and his entourage exhibited a special concern for Azerbaijan and its problems. To attract the votes of this region’s population, Khatami’s political rivals also utilized similar methods. During this time, a few articles about Iran’s Turkish personalities also appeared in the press, commemorating prominent figures such as Ayatollah Khoei and Ayatollah Shariatmadari. Ayatollah Shariatmadari was the only religious authority in Iran who in the early turbulent years of the Revolution firmly criticized the ratification of Article 110 of the Constitution, which provided the Velayat-e Faqih with unrestrained powers. For that very reason, other religious authorities denounced Ayatollah Shariatmadari and then forced him into silence through persecution, pressure, and house arrest.
The truth is that most Iranian politicians and reformists do not concern themselves with the pressures and injustices that the Azeri activists experience; they do not care about the damages that are inflicted on Azerbaijan’s language, history, culture, music, art, and heritage. Nonetheless, when election time approaches, these politicians travel to Azerbaijan and utter a few Turkish words and speak of some Azeri historical figures to bring people to their side and secure their votes. However, their promises are as empty as their words and their sole intention is to perpetuate the already existing pressures on people.
In 2007, a number of political activists in Azerbaijan were charged with “espionage” for Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan. One of these individuals is Hussein Foruhideh, who has since been condemned to death. As a form of psychological torture, the prison officials have given the news of his execution to his family several times. Fortunately, he is still alive and his execution has not yet been carried out. The Iranian government and the enemies of the rights of Azeri people, inside and outside the country, accuse the Azeri activists of espionage and separatism in order to curtail support from human rights and freedoms defenders in hopes that they abandon them in their struggle for the acquisition of their rights.
The Iranian government calls the Azerbaijani activists “spies,” and yet their policies are perfectly in line with those of Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan in suppressing the Azeri intellectuals. Although one naturally expects Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan to advocate for the ethnic and cultural rights of people in Iranian Azerbaijan, these governments have remained silent and even supported the position of the Islamic Republic to safeguard their own economic interests.
On November 20, 2007, the Canadian government presented a proposal to the United Nations Human Rights Council regarding the repression of freedoms and human rights in Iran. Many countries, which had not even been aware of the issues inside the region of Azerbaijan in Iran, voted for the condemnation of Iran. Not only did the Republics of Turkey and Azerbaijan refuse to condemn Iran, but the latter—without taking into account the situation of ethnic minorities in Iran, especially the Azeris and their trampled rights—went as far as to claim that Iran is a country that does not violate the rights of minorities.
This account has been so far bleak and disappointing; nonetheless, not all the news was disheartening. In the final days of 2007, five Azerbaijani political prisoners, who have been mentioned previously in this article, were released from prison and their freedom bolsters the hopes of defenders of freedom and human rights in Iran and Azerbaijan. Although abandoned, the people of Azerbaijan have begun a new year full of hope and struggle for the freedom of all prisoners and the elimination of all pressures.
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Amnesty International issues statement on jailed students in Iran
04/16/08Source: Amnesty International
Arbitrary Arrests/Fear of Torture or ill-treatment/Possible prisoners of conscience in Iran
20-30 students associated with the group Students for Freedom and Equality
(Daneshjouyan-e Azadi Khah va Beraber Talab), including:
Rosa 'Essa'ie, (f), student at Tehran's Amir Kabir University
Mehdi Geraylou (m), student at Tehran University
Anousheh Azadfar (f), student at Tehran University
Ilnaz Jamshidi (f), student at Free University of Central Tehran
Rouzbeh Safshekan (m), student at Tehran University
Nasim Soltan-Beigi (m), student at 'Allameh Tabatabai University
Yaser Pir Hayati (m), student at Shahed University
Anahita Hosseini (f)
Bita Naghashiyan (f)
New names: Peyman Piran (m)
Behrouz Karimizadeh (m) student activists
Ali Kantouri (m)
All the students named above have been released, except for Peyman Piran, Behrouz Karimizadeh and Ali Kantouri. Like the others, they were detained for their alleged role in demonstrations around the time of Iran's National University Students' Day, on 7 December 2007. They have been tortured, and Ali Kantouri is not receiving the medication he needs.
Peyman Piran and Behrouz Karimizadeh are believed to be in solitary confinement in section 209 of Evin Prison in Tehran. Peyman Piran was arrested on 4 December by plainclothes police on his way out of Tehran University. He has been flogged on the soles of his feet and ankles. Behrouz Karimizadeh was arrested on 2 December at a friend's house. During interrogation a hard object was thrust into his left ear, and he has lost the hearing in that ear. He has also been given electro-shock torture. He has been forced to "confess" on television to having links with exile groups and attempting to destabilize the country.
The two men have been accused of "acting against state security," and their bail has been set at the equivalent of US$300,000, which their families cannot pay. Behrouz Karimizadeh's family have been told that if they do not pay the bail, he will have to share a cell with common criminals, where the authorities would not be able to guarantee his safety.
Ali Kantouri was arrested on 15 January in the north-western town of Qazvin. His family were telephoned three days later and told that Ali Kantouri was in solitary confinement and under intensive interrogation in Qazvin Prison. During this interrogation his ribs were broken when he refused to be filmed "confessing" to having links with exile groups and attempting to destabilize the country.
Ali Kantouri has been moved between prisons several times: to Evin Prison on 11 March, to Rajaei Shahr Prison in Karaj, Tehran Province, on 18 March and finally to Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj, Tehran province. He suffers from asthma and a chest infection for which he was receiving medical treatment before he was arrested. In mid-March he was seen by a prison doctor but has not yet received any medication.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Student groups have been at the forefront of demands for greater human rights in Iran in recent years. Since the election of President Ahmadinejad in 2005, there have been increasing restrictions on civil society. In April 2007, Minister of Intelligence Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie publicly accused student activists and campaigners for the rights of women of being part of an "enemy conspiracy," without giving any reason.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Persian, English, Arabic or your own language:
- urging the authorities to release all students detained since December 2007 in connection with National University Students' Day who are held solely for the peaceful exercise of their rights;
- urging the authorities to promptly charge the students with recognisably criminal offences or release them;
- asking what charges have been brought against Peyman Piran, Behrouz Karimizadeh and Ali Kantouri;
- calling for an urgent, independent investigation into their alleged torture and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice, and urging the authorities to protect them from further torture and other ill treatment
- calling on the authorities to ensure that they are given access to their families, legal representation and any medical attention they may require;
- reminding the authorities that confessions extracted under torture are prohibited by Article 38 of the constitution of Iran.
APPEALS TO:
Leader of the Islamic Republic
His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed 'Ali Khamenei
The Office of the Supreme Leader, Islamic Republic Street - Shahid Keshvar Doust Street
Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@leader.ir
Salutation: Your Excellency
Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh / Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@dadgostary-tehran.ir (In subject line write: FAO Ayatollah Shahroudi)
Salutation: Your Excellency
Minister of Intelligence
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie
Ministry of Intelligence, Second Negarestan Street, Pasdaran Avenue, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Salutation: Your Excellency
COPIES TO: President
His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir
via website: www.president.ir/email
Speaker of Parliament
His Excellency Gholamali Haddad Adel
Majles-e Shoura-ye Eslami, Baharestan Square, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Fax: +98 21 3355 6408
Email: hadadadel@majlis.ir (mark: please forward to the Article 90 Commission)
and to diplomatic representatives of Iran accredited to your country.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 26 May 2008.
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Journalist sent back to prison after heart treatment
http://www.rsf.org/print.php3?id_article=2658804.15.2008
Reporters Without Borders condemns the judicial decision to send journalist and human rights activist Emadoldin Baghi back to prison today. He had been let out of prison to seek medical treatment on 18 January.
"Reimprisoning Baghi against the advice of his doctors poses a very serious risk to his health," the press freedom organisation said. "We urge the Iranian authorities to allow him to continue to receive treatment out of prison."
Baghi was returned to his cell in Tehran’s Evin prison today, after 88 days on provisional release. Under a provision of the Iranian criminal code, he was allowed to leave the prison on 18 January for treatment to his heart condition, which had resulted in his being rushed to hospital from the prison in December. His lawyer, Saleh Nikbakht, told Reporters Without Borders that his health continues to be worrying.
Baghi won the International Journalist of the Year Award at the British Press Awards in London on 10 April. The French government awarded him its human rights prize in 2005 for his campaigning against the death penalty.
Baghi was imprisoned on 14 October 2007 to serve a one-year sentence he had been given in November 2004 for writing a book that accused government officials of involvement in a series of murders of intellectuals and journalists in 1998.
Reporters Without Borders meanwhile also calls on the Iranian authorities to guarantee the safety of lawyer and Nobel peace laureate Shirin Ebadi, who found threatening letters outside her office on 3 April. "We warned you several times to hold your tongue but you carried on talking despite our warnings," one of the letters said. "For the last time, change your behaviour or we will take our revenge."
Ebadi said the threats against her family "have increased of late."
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Monday, April 14, 2008
Cleric says Iran elections neither free nor fair
By Ali Akbar Dareini, Associated Press WriterTEHRAN, Iran — Iran's most senior dissident cleric has charged that recent parliamentary elections were not free or fair because thousands of reformists were barred from running.
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri accused the country's ruling Islamic establishment of imposing dictatorship in the name of Islam, according to a statement provided to The Associated Press by his office Monday.
Hard-line allies of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won most of parliament's 290 seats in last month's elections after most reformist candidates were thrown out by Iran's clerical leadership. Reformists won enough to expand their small bloc. A second round of voting for the remaining 81 seats is due April 25.
Montazeri said that "committed and serving individuals are barred" from running in elections "in the name of Islam" and that because of the disqualifications, the election was "neither free nor fair."
Montazeri was once tapped to succeed Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini as Iran's supreme leader, but was instead stripped of his designation as successor in late 1980s because of his criticisms of the excesses of the revolution, and differences with Khomeini.
Montazeri has since called for curtailing the unlimited powers of the current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has the final say on all state matters and is considered by hard-liners to be answerable only to God.
In November 1997, Montazeri was put under house arrest in his home in Qom, 80 miles south of the capital, Tehran, after saying Khamenei wasn't qualified to rule.
Montazeri, who also condemned the waves of executions that followed the revolution, spent five years under house arrest for the Khamenei criticism, and was freed in 2003.
He said in his new statement that the 1979 Islamic revolution toppled Iran's monarchy in the name of freedom that never materialized.
"The people, assuming the promises would be met, brought about the revolution and paid a heavy price but those promises were not met," said Montazeri, 86. "We promised to promote freedom, stop despotism and give value to people's views. It didn't happen."
Montazeri is one of just a few grand ayatollahs — the most senior theologians of the Shiite Muslim faith.
But after he was placed under house arrest, state-run media stopped referring to Montazeri by his religious title, describing him instead as a "simple-minded" cleric. Any talk about Montazeri was strongly discouraged, references to him in schoolbooks were removed and streets named after him were renamed.
But the ailing cleric is still respected by many Iranians, who observe his religious rulings or support his calls for democratic changes within the ruling establishment.
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Friday, April 11, 2008
Iran: Detained Students May Face Torture
4/11/2008Authorities Should Investigate Allegations of Abuse
(Washington, DC, April 10, 2008) – Iranian authorities should immediately investigate allegations that Ministry of Information agents and interrogators tortured four detained student activists, and punish officials involved in such abuse, Human Rights Watch said today. According to sources familiar with the case, the students have suffered physical and psychological abuse during detention. Three students remain imprisoned, and the whereabouts of the fourth detainee, taken from his hospital bed on April 5, are unknown.
Iranian authorities accuse the four students of taking part in "armed activities" and "forming groups against the state." Lawyers representing the students have not had access to their clients or their files. Human Rights Watch is concerned that authorities may have detained the students merely for exercising their rights to peacefully gather and express dissent.
"Iran should either charge these students with a crime, or release them," said Joe Stork, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "Officials must investigate the reports of torture and punish anyone it finds responsible."
The four detainees, Behrooz Karimizadeh, Peyman Piran, Ali Kantouri, and Majid Pourmajid, are activists with the organization Students Seeking Freedom and Equality. The group states that it seeks to peacefully resist various forms of inequality and exploitation. The group has branches and members on university campuses throughout Iran. Since December 2007, Iranian authorities have arrested over 40 students affiliated with the group. All but the four mentioned above are free; some of the students released alleged that their interrogators tortured and ill-treated them while in detention.
The arrests appear to have been triggered by demonstrations planned on several campuses to commemorate Students Day on December 7, 2007. Known by the date according to the Iranian calendar, 16 of Azar, Students Day observes the day in 1953 when police fatally shot three student protesters at the University of Tehran. The authorities began targeting members of the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality a few days before the planned events and continued to harass key members for months afterwards. The crackdown appears to be focused on the Students Seeking Freedom and Equality.
On December 2, 2007, Ministry of Information agents arrested Behrooz Karimizadeh, 22, at the home of a friend in Tehran. Two days later, plainclothes agents from that ministry arrested Peyman Piran, as he was leaving Tehran University following peaceful student demonstrations on campus. Authorities are holding the pair in Units 209 and 305, respectively, in Evin prison in Tehran. Information received by Human Rights Watch suggests the authorities are subjecting the detainees to long periods of solitary confinement and various forms of physical and psychological ill-treatment.
Approximately two weeks after the arrests of Karimizadeh and Piran, Ministry of Information agents arrested Ali Kantouri, also an activist with Students Seeking Freedom and Equality, in the town of Ghazvin, northwest of Tehran. Authorities transferred him to Ghezel Hesare, a prison located near the city of Karaj in Tehran province.
Court officials refused to set bail for Kantouri and set prohibitively high bails for Piran and Karimizadeh (nearly US$300,000 for Karimizadeh).
On March 29, 2008, Ministry of Information agents arrested Majid Pourmajid in the northwestern city of Tabriz and hospitalized him on April 2, 2008. Three days later, authorities transferred him from the hospital to an unknown location.
For more Human Rights Watch reporting on abuses against students detained in Iran, please visit:
"'You Can Detain Anyone for Anything': Iran's Broadening Clampdown on Independent Activism," January 2008 report: http://hrw.org/reports/2008/iran0108/
"Iran: Jailed Students Abused to Obtain Forced Confessions," July 2007 news release: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/07/27/iran16512.htm
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Britain / Iran: British Press Awards honour Iranian journalist
4/10/2008Iranian journalist Emadoldin Baghi won the International Journalist of the Year Award - a newly created category - at the British Press Awards in London on 8 April. A leading advocate of the rights of prisoners of conscience, Baghi was himself sentenced to three years in prison on 31 July 2007 for “activities against national security” and “publicity on behalf of government opponents.” He was held in Tehran’s Evin prison for three months before being granted a provisional release because of heart problems. He was not able to travel to London to collect the prize.
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Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance suspends more newspapers
8 April 2008Reporters Without Borders condemns the arbitrary suspension of four newspapers on 6 April for “failing to publish regularly.” It brings the number of newspapers banned by the Commission for Press Authorisation and Surveillance since the start of the year to 17.
The press freedom organisation also deplores the intelligence ministry’s repeated harassment of the wife of Afghan journalist Ali Mohaqiq Nasab, who has been imprisoned in the city of Qom, 150 km southwest of Tehran, since 4 March.
“The independent media are regularly subjected to arbitrary treatment by the authorities, who take advantage of repressive laws to silence them,” the organisation said. “The ban on these four publications is just the latest example. At the same time, the security apparatus imposes silence on the families of imprisoned journalists. Those who report the arrests of a relative to the media, especially the foreign media, are exposing themselves to the possibility of punishment.”
The four publications banned on 6 April by the Commission for Press Authorisation and Surveillance, an offshoot of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, were Sobh Varzesh, Imen Gostar, Laleh and Gozineh Pjoheshjar Jahan. The ban was imposed under article 16 of the press law, which sanctions “publishing irregularly.”
Nasab’s wife, Sahar Mohaqiq Nasab, was threatened by intelligence ministry agents and was told she would be arrested herself if she kept asking for news about him. She still does not know what her husband, the publisher of the monthly Haqoq-e-Zan (Farsi for “Women’s Rights”) is charged with. He is not being allowed visits and has not yet been able to see a lawyer. The special religious court that is to try him has not approved the lawyers proposed by the Association for the Defence of Prisoners’ Rights.
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei are both on the list of “Press Freedom Predators” which Reporters Without Borders updates every year.
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Tuesday, April 08, 2008
Iran: Khadijeh Moghaddam Member of Campaign and Mother's Committee Arrested
http://www.change4equality.com/english/spip.php?article251Khadijeh Moghaddam Member of Campaign and Mother's Committee Arrested
Change for Equality: On the morning of April 8th, security police forcibly entered the home of Khadijeh Moghaddam, women's rights activist and member of the One Million Signatures Campaign and arrested her. Khadijeh Moghaddam who is a member of the Mother's Committee of the Campaign was transferred to Eshrat Abad Security Police, where she was interrogated for several hours, and then transferred to the Revolutionary Courts, where she was interrogated by the Mr. Sobhani the Investigative Judge in charge of her case and charged. A temporary arrest order was issued and a bail amount of 100 Million Tomans (roughly $110,000) was set as a condition for her release. Moghaddam was then transferred to Vozara Detention Center.
Khadijeh Moghaddam's friends and family members had an opportunity to visit with her while she awaited the processing of her arrest order. During this time, Khadijeh spoke of the poor treatment she received from the Security Police officers who had come to her home to arrest her. "They rang the bell to our apartment at 11:00 am. I was home alone and speaking on the phone with my sister. I was still wearing my pajamas. I looked through the peep hole and saw that there was a woman behind the door. I opened the door slightly. The woman announced that she was a police officer. I asked her for identification and a court order to enter my home. But instead of presenting identification, the woman and two men, pushed the door open and entered my home forcibly. They entered with such force that I was unable to resist. Apparently they had entered our building through the parking garage! My sister, who was still on the phone, had heard my exchange with the intruders, and she quickly came to our home. The Security Police treated me in a despicable manner and after 20 minutes of arguing with them and objecting to their treatment of me, they finally agreed to show me their court order. They told me that they had come to our house on 5 different occasions over the past month, but that I had not been home. They claimed this, despite the fact that I had been home for the past couple of months, because my husband has been ill and I have caring for him. I told them that until I have the chance to speak to the prosecutor I would not leave with them. I was yelling so that the neighbors could hear that they were taking me from my home by force. Finally they allowed me to make a call."
In relation to the reason for her arrest, Khadijeh Moghaddam explained that: "they were objecting to the fact that I had hosted meetings in my home, to which I replied that I have the right to hold meetings and parties and weddings and memorial services in my home, my private residence…the investigative judge at the Revolutionary Courts asked that I identify 7 or 8 members of the Campaign who had participated in the gatherings in my home. I refused to do so, and explained that I do not believe providing such information to be ethical. I also explained that we are not engaged in any sort of covert activity and that the security officials know the identities of Campaign members." Moghaddam explained further that the charges against her were: "spreading of propaganda against the state; disruption of public opinion; and actions against national security and that an order for bail amount of 100 Million Tomans was issued for my release (roughly $110,000). I explained that I am unable to provide such a heavy bail amount for my release, and the investigative judge told me that I will be transferred to prison for a week, after which I will provide the names of Campaign members and also the bail amount. When asked to provide my last defense, I explained that my way of life is my defense and also told the investigative judge that it is in fact the security authorities with their actions who are endangering national security."
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Wednesday, April 02, 2008
American people are hoping for a deep and genuine change
American people are hoping for a deep and genuine changeby Kazem Alamdari
01-Apr-2008
The U.S. is a global power, and it can remain powerful basically through fair mutual relationships with other nations. While we influence many events in the world, our economic prosperity is also partially rooted in other nations, and in the age of globalization American interests ultimately cannot be protected by militarization of foreign policy. In global relations, America has helped the people of some nations to achieve better lives, but at the same time it has also recognized and supported some of the most brutal regimes in the world. In recent years, because of abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib, the U.S. has lost much of its credibility as an advocate of human rights and democracy.
With the end of the cold war and the demise of the former Soviet Union, a great hope arose that America would move toward its "better half"—humanistic and democratic—at both the domestic and global levels. Yet, U.S. actions in the past few years have once again displayed the dark side of American foreign policy. In this presidential election, the world anxiously wishes to see America’s "better self." The unprecedented popular excitement and participation during the current primary season shows that the American people are hoping for a deep and genuine change, and so it is important to ask which candidate most closely meets the fundamental needs of the time.
Republican Senator John McCain wants to continue the current foreign policy, which is characterized by militarization of world politics and economics. Like President Bush, his main issue for energizing the voters is creating fear and portraying himself as an iron fist and the only candidate who will use military muscle to stop foreign terrorists—as if President Bush hasn’t already tried that in vain. Uniting the nation based on foreign threat has already cost this country thousands of lives and billions of dollars with no result, and it has created more hostility against the U.S. and definitely less security for American interests around the world. Why should we continue on an obviously failed path? The era of military empire expired long ago, and economic empire has been replaced by a world of multi-polar and regional powers in the past two decades.
Either Senator Clinton or Senator Obama, if elected as the first female or African American president, will turn the page in the history of our nation and begin a new chapter. However, neither race nor gender is the main question of this election. The main issues are the related factors of the economy and the war in Iraq. Other concerns such as health care, immigration, and security are linked to these issues. Also, in this election America needs to elect a president who will drastically change the negative image of the country. Hillary Clinton, though a very articulate and knowledgeable candidate, cannot represent a genuine change because she supported the war and has not distanced herself from the Bush administration’s militarization policy. She also did not disassociate herself from Senator Joseph Lieberman, who shares more views with John McCain than with the Democratic Party.
Our nation desperately needs a president whose image and merits can heal the deep wounds created by the lies, secrecy, demagoguery, lobbyist scandals, and deceptions that pushed us into a costly war and created a disastrous economic situation while favoring particular interest groups and the ultra wealthy.
We need a leader whose image and policy can repair the damage done by the Abu Ghraib scandal in eyes of Muslims and Arabs; a president who can show consolidation with these nations to regain the lost trust in the international community. Such a crucial and humanistic gesture, which President Bush has failed to exercise, would make the withdrawal of our military forces from Iraq smoother, and the world would respond favorably to a leadership in the White House that reduces religious tension between Christians and Muslims , which is a major threat in our time. Other nations want to see an America that, when it acts as a policeman in the world, acts fairly.
The world does not want to see another leader in the White House whose goal is to show how tough we are by using military muscle against other nations. We have tried that and failed, and almost the entire world warned us ahead of time of our error by refusing to give a United Nations sanction to the invasion of Iraq. Our militaristic mentality has done serious damage to our interests in the world and definitely cannot resolve the serious, multi-dimensional global problems that we face. Instead of imposing democracy in other countries with military force, we need to show our authoritarian allies the advantages of democracy and help the people in hostile countries to establish the social and cultural fabrics of democratic society.
Barack Obama, with unique characteristics that intersect with these imperatives, meets the needs of our time better than anyone else. Obama in the White House would help the world to see the better half of America, a democratic and humanistic America.
Kazem Alamdari teaches in the Department of Sociology at California State University, Northridge. His latest book is Why the Middle East Lagged Behind (2006).
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